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ellenrr

(3,864 posts)
2. as i said it was from May. It is called "context". may I humbly suggest you say
Fri Jul 11, 2014, 08:19 AM
Jul 2014

what you want to say, instead of nibbling at the edges?

ellenrr

(3,864 posts)
3. i'm not naive. I fully expect that those who do not like the information in my posts
Fri Jul 11, 2014, 08:21 AM
Jul 2014

will try to find some way to undermine.
I know how it works.

hack89

(39,171 posts)
4. When you think what life was like for the people of Gaza before the Second Intifada
Fri Jul 11, 2014, 09:23 AM
Jul 2014

you just have to shake your head. They routinely worked in Israel and enjoyed a good standard of living. They pissed it all away.

Jefferson23

(30,099 posts)
5. ‘A Dubai on the Mediterranean’ Sara Roy on Gaza’s future ( 2005 )
Fri Jul 11, 2014, 10:52 AM
Jul 2014

Last April President Bush said that Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza would allow the establishment of ‘a democratic state in the Gaza’ and open the door for democracy in the Middle East. The columnist Thomas Friedman was more explicit, arguing that ‘the issue for Palestinians is no longer about how they resist the Israeli occupation in Gaza, but whether they build a decent mini-state there – a Dubai on the Mediterranean. Because if they do, it will fundamentally reshape the Israeli debate about whether the Palestinians can be handed most of the West Bank.’

Embedded in these statements is the assumption that Palestinians will be free to build their own democracy, that Israel will eventually cede the West Bank (or at least consider the possibility), that Israel’s ‘withdrawal’ will strengthen the Palestinian position in negotiations over the West Bank, that the occupation will end or become increasingly irrelevant, that the gross asymmetries between the two sides will be redressed. Hence, the Gaza Disengagement Plan – if implemented ‘properly’ – provides a real (perhaps the only) opportunity for resolving the conflict and creating a Palestinian state. It follows that Palestinians will be responsible for the success or failure of the Plan: if they fail to build a ‘democratic’ or ‘decent mini-state’ in Gaza, the fault will be theirs alone.

Today, there are more than 1.4 million Palestinians living in the Strip: by 2010 the figure will be close to two million. Gaza has the highest birth-rate in the region – 5.5 to 6.0 children per woman – and the population grows by 3 to 5 per cent annually. Eighty per cent of the population is under 50; 50 per cent is 15 years old or younger; and access to healthcare and education is rapidly declining. The half of the territory in which the population is concentrated has one of the highest densities in the world. In the Jabalya refugee camp alone, there are 74,000 people per square kilometre, compared with 25,000 in Manhattan.

http://www.lrb.co.uk/v27/n21/sara-roy/a-dubai-on-the-mediterranean

Jefferson23

(30,099 posts)
6. Background: "Israel and Gaza: undeveloping a territory"
Fri Jul 11, 2014, 11:01 AM
Jul 2014

"Sara Roy's new book slays once and for all the myth that Israel's occupation of Gaza and the West Bank has been, as some Israelis claim, `benevolent' or `benign'. While describing the devastating consequences of this occupation, the author demonstrates in no uncertain terms that the Israelis always had malign intentions towards the Palestinians they occupied in 1967."

"The author ... the daughter of Holocaust survivors ... argues successfully that the relationship between Israel and Gaza `is characterized by an economic process specific to Israeli rule', the proce ss of `de-development' or the `deliberate, systematic deconstruction of an indigenous economy by a dominant power'. Underdevelopment, the situation prevailing in much of the Third World, is distinguished from `de-development' by both the intentions of the occupying power and the consequences of its policies.

"`De-development,' she asserts, `commenced only under Israeli occupation.' In Gaza's long historical experience of occupiers, Israel was unique in that its intention was the complete dispossession of the Palestinian people and the assimilation of their land and resources. As a consequence, Israel's policies have always been designed to deprive the Palestinians of their land, water and labour w ith the objective of building Israel and not a competing Palestinian entity...."

"...The Gaza coastal strip covers only 27 per cent of the territory of the old mandatory Gaza sub-district, yet in 1948 this narrow piece of land had to house not only the entire population of the di strict but also tens of thousands of refugees from the central coastal towns of Jaffa and Haifa and much of southwest Palestine. The indigenous population of 70,000 was swamped by some 250,000 who fled. Although Gaza had a population of over half a million at the time of the Israeli occupation, the Israelis were not deterred from planting settlements in the Strip and appropriating 40 per cent of its land and more than half of its water. Today 850,000 Palestinians live in the self-rule enclave -- which comprises only 60 per cent of the area of the Gaza Strip -- one of the world's most den sely populated locations.

"Once installed in the Strip, Israel pacified the resistant populace and then set about Gaza's deconstruction by expropriating the land and water, integrating certain categories of the Gaza labour force into the Israeli economy and dismantling the existing economic infrastructure. The Palestinians were thus subjected to a particularly pernicious form of `settler colonialism' and de-development. For instance, Israel denied to Palestinian towns and villages the roads, running water and electricity supplied to all Israeli settlements in the territories....Gaza's schools, hospitals and welfare services were not expanded to meet the demands of the growing population. And Israel shut down all the Arab banks in the territories and prohibited Israeli banks from granting investment loans to Palestinians."

"Sara Roy quotes Yitzhak Rabin, who in 1985, while defence minister, said: `There will be no development in the occupied territories initiated by the Israeli government, and no permits given for expanding agriculture and industry which may compete with the state of Israel.'"

"Dr. Roy argues convincingly that Israel's intentions and policies have not been changed by the peace process, the signing of the Oslo Accords and the establishment of the Palestine National Authorit y, and that Israel can be expected to restrict and obstruct the economic development of the Palestinian self-rule enclaves....Israel also blocks the sale in Israel of cheap Gazan and West Bank farm produce and prevents its export to Jordan.

http://desip.igc.org/UndevelopingGaza.html

Jefferson23

(30,099 posts)
7. 10 October 2012 The Palestine Center Washington, DC ( Sara Roy )
Fri Jul 11, 2014, 11:14 AM
Jul 2014
[NOTE: This lecture is drawn from a longer research work that will be published (with full citations) as a new introduction to the third edition of her book The Gaza Strip: the Political Economy of De-development forthcoming from the Institute for Palestine Studies]

Dr. Sara Roy:

I would like to begin by thanking the Board of Directors of the Jerusalem Fund and its Chairman, Dr. Subhi Ali, and the Executive Director of The Palestine Center, Yousef Munayyer, for inviting me to deliver the Edward Said Memorial Lecture. I am deeply honored.

Edward and I would always speak about Gaza, in fact every time we met. He felt a profound connection to the place and to the people that seemed to be a permanent part of him. Edward had great compassion and great respect for Gaza’s people. He embraced their suffering and took pride in their courage, in the dignified way they continued to move forward. Yet he feared one thing perhaps most of all: the separation and isolation that now engulfs Gaza and threatens, if it hasn’t already, to sever the Palestinians there from Palestinians elsewhere, forcing them, in the words of Hannah Arendt, to “live outside the common world,” deprived of profession and of citizenship, “without a deed by which to identify or specify [themselves].”

Edward raged against the division of his people and against the kind of loss that such division could bring: disunity, abandonment, irrelevance. In The Origins of Totalitarianism, Arendt argues that the fundamental deprivation of human rights is expressed first and most powerfully in "the deprivation of a place in the world which makes opinions significant and actions effective. Something much more fundamental than freedom and justice... is at stake when belonging to the community into which one is born is no longer a matter of course and not belonging no longer a matter of choice..." "This extremity and nothing else," she writes, "is the situation of people deprived of human rights. They are deprived not of the right to freedom but of the right to action." "Over the last 45 years Gaza’s trajectory has been striking; from a territory economically integrated into, and deeply dependent upon, Israel and deeply tied to the West Bank, to an area largely marginalized from Israel and the West Bank, an isolated (and disposable) enclave - subject to consistent military attacks - with which Israel and the West Bank have fewer formal economic or political ties than they once did. And from a captive economy restricted to fluctuating levels of growth (at best) but still possessed of the capacity to produce and innovate (within limitations), to an economy increasingly deprived of that capacity, characterized by unprecedented levels of unemployment and impoverishment, with three-quarters of its population needing humanitarian assistance. These damaging transformations among others I shall discuss are becoming increasingly institutionalized and permanent, shaping a future that is both partial and disfigured. What is happening to Gaza is, in my view, catastrophic; it is also deliberate, considered and purposeful.

This lecture will address some of the destructive policies and measures imposed on the Gaza Strip and their economic and social impact. I argue that as a result of these policies, Gaza is being rendered unviable and by that I mean dispossessed of the capacity for sustainable economic growth and development on the one hand, and increasingly incapable of effecting social change on the other.

Setting the Stage: Some Key Contextual Transformations

I would like to begin by briefly addressing some key contextual transformations or paradigm shifts in the way Gaza specifically and the Israeli/Palestinian conflict generally is understood. These contextual transformations, which I have written about in great detail elsewhere, provide an important backdrop to this discussion.

http://www.thejerusalemfund.org/ht/display/ContentDetails/i/36415/pid/897
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