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History predicts that Trump will be a One-Term-President plagued by lack of mandate.
http://www.rawstory.com/2017/01/former-clinton-aide-sidney-blumenthal-lists-five-ways-trump-is-illegitimate/Before Trump, only four men became president without winning a plurality or majority of the popular vote. Only one lost a greater percentage of the vote than Trump. Three of them served only one term. Three assumed office under clouds of illegitimacy.
Each of these presidents, raised to the office against the popular will, was marked by the defect of their election. None evaded the debility of their unpopular elections. Either they were so politically hampered they lacked credibility and could do little, or else they tried to defy their original sin by governing as though they had solid mandates and disintegrated.
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Adams did not believe himself to be invincible, but felt driven to perform what he believed to be his proper duty. It crippled his presidency and four years later Jackson won in a landslide.
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In a smoke-filled room in a Washington hotel, representatives from both parties cut a deal selling out Tilden and handing the presidency to Hayes ... No, the past is not dead. Hayes served one hobbled term.
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In 1888, the Democratic incumbent, Grover Cleveland, the former governor of New York, won the popular vote by less than one percentage point but lost in the Electoral College to the Republican, former Senator Benjamin Harrison of Indiana. ... The otherwise honorable but uncharismatic Harrison, known as “the human icicle,” never escaped the stigma that he had originally lost the popular vote.
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In 2000, George W. Bush lost to Al Gore by almost a half million votes, half a percentage point. The contest rested on Florida. In Bush v. Gore, the Supreme Court ruled that the count there, largely of black votes, should stop and delivered the presidency to Bush. ... Whatever else 9/11 was, the trauma rescued Bush from becoming a likely one-term president. ... After Bush’s narrow reelection in 2004, he assumed he had at last won his holy grail of an electoral mandate and launched a plan to privatize Social Security. His popularity plummeted and his rating when he left office after a series of dismal events eventually leveled off at 22 percent.
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No matter how many insults he fires off, he cannot escape the history by which he entered the presidency. That history is the cracked foundation of this Trump Tower. It explains why his approval rating is like an elevator that cannot rise for long no matter how many times he hits the send button on his Twitter account.
Trump, for his part, acts as if he rules by divine right. Congressional Republicans press to enact their radical agenda as if they possess the mandate of heaven. While the Republican congressional leadership not so privately regards him with disdain, they live in the shadow of fear because he has hijacked their base. His tweets startle them as though they are thunderbolts from Zeus.
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There is no telling what menace he may create as his vulnerability is exposed—no telling what terrible event he might take advantage of to assert his faltering dominance.
Trump’s constant antics to discredit his ever-widening universe of enemies, to distract from his expanding problems by projecting blame onto others and to justify himself through relentless falsification are obvious traits of a malignant narcissism.
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