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highplainsdem

(49,006 posts)
Sun Jan 13, 2019, 11:45 AM Jan 2019

NYT op-ed: Why Autocrats Love Emergencies

Found this thanks to a tweet from Laurence Tribe half an hour ago:








https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/12/opinion/sunday/trump-national-emergency-wall.html


Crises are a time-tested means of subverting democracy.

From Getúlio Vargas and other better-known dictators in the 1930s to Indira Gandhi and Ferdinand Marcos in the 1970s and on to Vladimir Putin and Recep Tayyip Erdogan more recently, autocratic-minded leaders have long used national emergencies — some real, some fabricated — to claim extraordinary powers. One of our greatest concerns about Donald Trump’s presidency has always been that he would exploit (or invent) a crisis in order to justify an abuse of power. Recent events have given this concern new immediacy.

Authoritarian leaders often chafe under the constraints of constitutional rule. Democratic politics is, after all, grinding work. Family businesses and army units may be ruled by fiat, but democracies require negotiation and concessions. Setbacks are inevitable; victories always partial. A president’s most cherished policy initiatives may be savaged in the media, derailed by Congress or struck down by the courts.

-snip-

Although President Trump operates in a different political environment, his behavior, particularly since the November midterm elections, betrays similar autocratic instincts. The president manifestly lacks the patience or negotiating skills needed to deal with divided government. His response to Democratic control of the House of Representatives has been a refusal to compromise and, more dangerously, a refusal to lose. Unlike Presidents Clinton and Bush, who conceded defeat when it became clear that their initiatives lacked legislative support, Mr. Trump has refused to accept the failure of his border wall project. Unable to obtain the necessary votes in Congress, the president recklessly forced a government shutdown. When that didn’t get him his wall, he moved to circumvent Congress altogether by inventing — if not yet declaring — a national emergency. In his Oval Office speech on Tuesday, he used the word “crisis” six times in eight minutes. That is how autocrats respond to legislative opposition. Following in the tradition of Vargas and Marcos, Mr. Trump fabricated a security threat to make the case for bypassing Congress.

The president’s border wall stunt may well fail. Mr. Trump is politically weak. Outside of his core group of supporters, few Americans believe that the southern border poses a national security threat, and there is a chance — though it is far from certain — that any effort by Mr. Trump to circumvent Congress would be blocked by the courts. On Friday, Mr. Trump seemed to acknowledge the weakness of his position when he announced that “what we’re not looking to do right now is national emergency,” although he continued to hold the threat over Congress.

But no matter the outcome, these developments should set off alarm bells. Our president is behaving like an autocrat. His willingness to fabricate a national crisis and subvert constitutional checks and balances to avoid legislative defeat places him closer to Ferdinand Marcos than to Ronald Reagan.

American presidents wield vast authority during crises. During our country’s last major security crisis, the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, Mr. Bush’s approval rating soared to 90 percent — the highest ever recorded by Gallup. In the wake of the attacks, constitutional checks and balances receded: Neither Congress nor the courts were likely to intervene to check the president’s actions. For several months, the president had what was effectively a blank check.

Mr. Trump lacks the self-restraint of Lincoln, F.D.R., or even George W. Bush. Indeed, he seems incapable of exercising executive power responsibly. Mr. Trump’s first encounter with divided government has produced what is proving to be the longest government shutdown ever. And any reckless use of emergency powers would set a dangerous precedent for overriding the legislative branch. Unlike other national emergency declarations, this one would openly defy the will of Congress.

This raises a terrifying question: How would a president who is willing to fabricate a national emergency over a simple legislative impasse behave during a real security crisis?
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NYT op-ed: Why Autocrats Love Emergencies (Original Post) highplainsdem Jan 2019 OP
This raises a terrifying question: saidsimplesimon Jan 2019 #1
K&R 2naSalit Jan 2019 #2

saidsimplesimon

(7,888 posts)
1. This raises a terrifying question:
Sun Jan 13, 2019, 11:56 AM
Jan 2019

" How would a president who is willing to fabricate a national emergency over a simple legislative impasse behave during a real security crisis?" Like a facist, dictator, no change in behavior necessary.

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