Besides pointing out the media's "shiny object" syndrome, Joan Walsh makes some good points:
http://www.salon.com/news/opinion/joan_walsh/politics/2011/06/22/drop_gore_v_obama_script/index.htmlThe question for Obama, and for Democrats more broadly, now that compromise and co-optation hasn't worked is: What next? On one level I react to complaints about the president failing to use his "bully pulpit" with a little weariness: More speeches? Really? We need action. And I sympathize with the president about the lack of backing in Congress for bold change. But at the heart of the many calls for Obama to take the lead in defining the dire problems we face -- on climate change, on income inequality, on the troubled economy more broadly -- is a deep and widely shared frustration: The president hasn't seized a moment of profound crisis and opportunity to tell Americans exactly why the status quo isn't working anymore, except for a tiny sliver of America, and what we're going to do about it.
Right before I read Gore's piece I finished an article by Mike Tomasky that made almost the same exact case on the issue of economic inequality. Peter Whoriskey's terrific Washington Post report, "Breakaway Wealth," got everyone's attention: It's unconscionable that the share of wealth that goes to the richest .01 percent of Americans has shot from 2.5 percent in the mid-1970s to more than 10 percent today. That inequality threatens the foundations of our country. It's part of why we have an economic crisis in the first place: Unemployment is sky high, wages are stagnant (or falling, for those at the bottom), people are using services that drain tax revenue instead of doing work that produces it. The concentration of economic power leads that elite to have more political power, which they use to protect their economic power. This threatens democracy, even if they don't talk about it at Tea Party events.
Tomasky concludes: "God forbid also that a Democrat -- the president, let’s say -- make this argument and draw these connections for the American people ... Mr. President, Democrats: it would seem that now is the time." Paul Krugman has likewise noted, going back to the debate over the inadequate size of the 2009 stimulus: OK, maybe the president is right, and he couldn't have gotten more money from conservative Democrats and Republicans. Still: If he'd made a stronger case about the broken economy, raging economic inequality, and the imperative to spend government money now to get things moving again, the worst that could have happened is that he'd lose, but Americans would know what Democrats believe we're up against -- and what we believed would work, even if Republicans blocked it. And who knows, a rousing call to bold action might have galvanized Americans to demand more from Washington. We'll never know.
The frustrating thing about the lack of a bold approach to climate change is that action on this massive threat has the potential to ease several problems at once, not just environmental ones: Massive public and private investment in alternative energy and conservation technologies could spur a renaissance in research, development and manufacturing, and provide jobs at every level, from top scientists to underskilled workers weather-proofing public buildings. And of course, reducing our dependence on gulf oil would enhance national security by making intervention in that region less tempting, giving us more freedom to pursue both human rights and genuine American interests in oil-producing states.
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