The Turning Point
How the Susan Crawford interview changes everything we know about torture.By Dahlia Lithwick and Phillipe Sands
Posted Wednesday, Jan. 14, 2009
Whether torture occurred and who was responsible will no longer be issues behind which senior members of the administration and their lawyers and policymakers can hide. The only real issue now is: What happens next?...
everything changed this morning when the Washington Post published a front-page interview by Bob Woodward, in which Crawford stated without equivocation that the treatment of alleged 20th Sept. 11 hijacker Mohammed al-Qahtani at Guantanamo Bay was "torture."...........................
What changes as a result of Crawford expressly using the word torture? First,
the administration can no longer hide behind parsing the language of the Geneva Conventions and the torture statute. Whether or not Michael Mukasey is willing to call water-boarding torture—as the president-elect did on Sunday—a reputable senior military official has put that label on conduct that is arguably not as bad and has been widespread in Afghanistan and Iraq.
In her interview, Crawford acknowledges that it was "the combination of the interrogation techniques, their duration and the impact on Qahtani's health that led to her conclusion. 'The techniques they used were all authorized, but the manner in which they applied them was overly aggressive and too persistent. … This was not any one particular act; this was just a combination of things that had a medical impact on him. …
It was that medical impact that pushed me over the edge' to call it torture." What Crawford has done here is astounding. She has repudiated the formalistic (and perennially shifting) definitions of torture as whatever-it-is-we-don't-do.
She has admitted that there is a medical and legal definition for torture and also that we have crossed the line into it.The consequences go further.
Crawford also told Woodward that the charges against al-Qahtani were dropped because he was tortured. This has devastating consequences for the Bush administration's entire rationale for the new techniques of interrogation: that they would make the United States safer by producing intelligence and keeping dangerous individuals off the streets. We now know they do neither.
The torture produced no useful information from al-Qahtani, and the cruelty heaped upon him will make it more difficult, if not impossible, to justify his long-term incarceration.
There is a third major consequence to the Crawford interview: Her principle objection to detainee abuse is not ephemeral or spiritual, but
a damning indictment of the impact it will have on American troops and the prospects for America's authority abroad: "If we tolerate this and allow it, then how can we object when our servicemen and women, or others in foreign service, are captured and subjected to the same techniques? How can we complain? Where is our moral authority to complain? Well, we may have lost it."...........
Under the 1984 Torture Convention, its 146 state parties (including the United States) are under an obligation to "ensure that
all acts of torture are offences under its criminal law." These states must take any person alleged to have committed torture (or been complicit or participated in an act of torture) who is present in their territories into custody. The convention allows
no exceptions, as Sen. Pinochet discovered in 1998.
The state party to the Torture Convention must then submit the case to its competent authorities for prosecution or extradition for prosecution in another country.http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/cat.htmmore at:
http://www.slate.com/id/2208688/