This if from
Vice: Dick Cheney And The Hijacking Of The American Presidency, by Lou Dubose and Jake Bernstein, pages 34-35.
But on May 25, 1975, with Chief of Staff Rumsfeld out of the country, The New York Times dropped another (Seymour) Hersh bombshell. It revealed that U.S. spy submarines were tapping into Soviet communication cables inside the USSR's three-mile territorial limit. Hersh admitted in the story that his sources gave him the information in the hope that it would move policy. They believed that the submarine program violated the spirit of dètente and that using satellites to obtain the same information was less risky. Rumsfeld, traveling with the president in Europe, put Cheney in charge of devising an administration response to the story. Cheney's answer was as stunning as it was predictive of positions he would take when he had real power as George W. Bush's co-president.
Cheney called a meeting with Attorney General Edward Levi and White House counsel Philip Buchen to discuss options. Levi, a short man with a towering intellect, unimmpeachable integrity, and a nonpartisan bent, served as a bridge between the Democratic Congress and Ford, winning the president's approval for intelligence reforms over the objections of exeuctive absolutists like Cheney. "Ed Levi was a voice of wisdom and counsel," says Jack Marsh, a Ford senior adviser who worked on intelligence matters with Levi. "His contributions have never been appreciated."
In the case of Hersh's submarine exposè, it would be Levi, the designated adult, who would rein in Cheney. Faced with the possible leak of classified information, the thirty-four-year-old Cheney's first thoughts involved breaking into the home of a reporter. Among the options the three men explored, according to Cheney's handwritten notes, were grand jury indictments, threatening the Times with prosecution if they didn't stop reporting classified information, and obtaining a search warrant to "go after Hersh papers in his apt." They also discussed political considerations. "Will we get hit with violating the 1st amendment to the constitution?" Cheney wrote. Ultimately, Levi put the kibosh on searching Hersh's apartment. Since the leak did not endanger the Soviet eavesdropping, with Levi's prodding, the White House decided to do nothing rather than draw more attention to it.
Fast forward thirty years to the spring and summer of 2006. The New York Times has exposed details of the government's warrantless domestic eavesdropping program and its surveillance of banking transactions. The Bush administration responds by threatening a criminal investigation and launching a political smear campaign -- to punish the newspaper. In June, Cheney takes the opportunity of a congressional fundraising lunch at the Waldorf-Astoria in New York City to lash out at the hometown daily. "Some in the press, in particular The New York Times, have made it harder to defend America against attack by insisting on publishing detailed information about vital national security programs," the vice president declares.