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Indeed, passing it on has made it possible in the first place.
The market in 'debt securities' insulates the person or firm who makes the loan originally from the traditional check on extending credit, namely the healthy fear of never seeing the money again. When the lender can immediately re-coup the amount lent by selling the borrower's note to another party, or 'hedge the bet' by buying a contract from a third party that will pay something close to the amount of the note if the borrower proves unable to pay, the lender is in a situation where the risk the loan might not be repaid seems to disappear, at least from the lender's immediate point of view. In this situation the lender will feel comfortable making loans which actually carry a considerable risk of default, and which would probably never have been made if the only means by which the sum advanced could be recouped was payment by the borrower, or forced sale of the collateral put up by the borrower (the house or condominium, in the case of a home mortgage). Thus a great many more loans than 'normal' are made, and to people who can be expected reasonably to have more difficulty in successfully meeting their payments over the term of the loan.
The business of buying these notes, and of taking the 'default' side of these hedging bets, makes sense only when done in great volume. If thousands of loans are involved, you do not need to calculate the individual risk of each loan; you can say with some certainty that 'x percent' will eventually default under the economic conditions at the time you make the buy or take the bet, and pitch your price to allow for this, by paying, or offering to pay if you lose the bet, face value minus 'x percent', and minus also something for your profit. The problem comes when conditions change, or if your calculation of the proportion of defaults proves inaccurate. Both things are operating at present. Economic conditions have changed greatly over the years since the housing boom set in; people's incomes have not risen, their costs of living have increased, they have less money in aggregate to pay their debts with. In many instances, the calculation of default rates included assumptions of rising prices for the underlying assets, and hence easy re-financings of debts, that would act to keep the default trimmed down greatly; with housing prices falling, and refinancing impossible for many, the anticipated default rates are now much greater than originally envisioned. Thus the 'debt securities' backed by housing loans are not worth their face value anymore, and many more bets that defaults would not occur have to be paid off than the pin-striped bookie anticipated he would have to shell out over.
Further, the practice of passing on the debt by these means involves more than one 'third party' level. The firm that bought the note from the original lender, or bet the original lender there would be no default, generally sold the paper on to someone else, or made a hedging bet with someone else, so that its bet with the original lender was insured, and someone would pay it if it had to pay out. And the firm they entered into that transaction with probably turned around and did the same thing with yet another firm. At some point, the larger firms engaged in this practice begin selling the paper back into the market retail, and smaller banks and businesses begin buying paper from large investment firms, and counting it as assets on their balance sheets. The original risk of default, that the originating lender thought was being passed on at the start of the process, arrives back in that firm, only in the guise of an interest bearing note on a prestigious, much larger firm with a tony address and excellent reputation, very different from the addresses and names of the persons originally lent to, but still at bottom nothing but those same individuals' obligations to pay, bundled together.
The collective default, or proportion of collective default, of all these individuals, becomes then the default of the firm that issued the paper, which other firms are now holding as an asset. The inability of the issuing firm to pay the interest, or to pay off its lost bets, becomes the destruction of the value of its paper carried as an asset on the books of other firms. The thing can gather steam like the proverbial snowball rolling down-hill, which could not have any power except for the height from which it starts, to which it has been kited up by this system of passing on the obligations of individuals to pay an originating lender, in the form of a security.
If all of this has a whiff of the old children's game of 'hot potato', or a fellow with three walnut halves and a pea, that is no accident. In many ways, it is simply an application of the practice of money-laundering to 'normal' financial transactions....
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