This is a rather wonky article (hi TayTay) which tells how the intellectual liberals (like Arthur Schlesinger Jr.) in the 40s and 50s laid down solid arguments for the liberal view of geo-politics, and how the 60s era of activism was relatively less effective. He argues that we need to go back to those earlier days and build up the left with something substantial rather than just go out and protest in the streets.
Some good points, although I think a little well-timed protest is also good. It just can't be the only thing we do. I might get the book that this article is based on--interesting ideas. It compares what the left was doing in the 60s (protest marches) with what the right was doing (building up their think-tanks and forming well-thought-out policies).
oh yeah, the link:
http://www.prospect.org/web/page.ww?section=root&name=ViewPrint&articleId=9366Kerry references:
"If we take these lessons seriously, our biggest challenge moving ahead is how to articulate our opposition to the rights well-developed agenda while simultaneously developing a public philosophy like that of the 48ers. The need for this became abundantly clear in the last presidential election. John Kerry lost because Americans didnt understand what he stood for. They understood him as an opposition candidate but not as someone who had values that could be articulated and explained. This wasnt just Kerrys problem; it is the problem of liberalism generally. The public perceives liberalism negatively, due to the long war the right waged against it from the 1960s onward. Unlike the 48ers, we cannot assume that our ideas resonate; we need to make them resonate.
To rearticulate liberal ideals while acting in opposition is not as hard as first appears. Take Social Security. Clearly, Bush is surprised by the backlash against privatization, as he scrambles around the country garnering support. This appears a dream come true for progressives, but its much more. Its a challenge to articulate not just opposition but a public philosophy that can explain what liberals stand for. We shouldnt defend a program inherited from the New Deal in a rearguard fashion but should reiterate the idea of a shared national purpose based on collective sacrifice.
Nor should we turn this into a demographic issue and bank on the elderly supporting Democrats; thats interest-group politics, not a long-range public philosophy. We need to explain what Social Security teaches the nation about deeper principles. Why do Americans react against the term privatize? Because there is still a sense of shared obligation to one another, and its up to liberals to articulate that public philosophy while they oppose the president. We can show how the presidents proposal reflects the social imbalance the 48ers perceived, the elevation of the selfs interest above the common good. None of this requires protest. It requires public argument. The time for protest may come, but it will undoubtedly rely on a change of leadership first and serious thinking about strategy later.
The same needs to be done on foreign policy. Its not good enough to protest the Iraq War. Occasionally, Kerry articulated an alternative, albeit muted, to Bushs foreign policy that embraced the 48er idea of national humility and a critique of hubris. Today, we need to articulate this liberal foreign policy more forcefully. Its central message should be that American responsibility abroad shouldnt rely on guns alone or a sense of superior moral virtue. Liberals should argue for nurturing civil society and democratic institutions throughout the world, envisioning an equivalent of the Marshall Plan for the Middle East and elsewhere. Liberals need to emphasize that the war against terrorism is a war of ideas as much as a war of military power and intelligence. Like the 48ers, liberal intellectuals should define America abroad as more than just its well-known Hollywood films. We need not allow Bush to expropriate the rhetoric of democracy and freedom; we need to reshape these ideas in a more responsible and meaningful manner. "