Some background:
1.
My friends in Jersey, staunch liberals with whom I watched parts of the RNC, were quite impressed
(in a disturbed sense) by the speeches at the RNC -- especially Arnie's "you ARE a Republican" bit,
directed at undecideds and the last of the Reagan Democrats, and Zell's appeal to the last of the
Dixiecrats. They weren't happy about it either -- they felt that as discusting as it was,
it would appeal directly to the target audience and that soft voters WOULD be convinced to
realign with the Repubs. There's a risk that may be where the country
is headed.
I argued with them about it, too.
2.
Undecideds (not so much voting Independents who seem to be staunchly pro-Kerry) have been
giving * second looks over and over, resulting in continual dips and spikes in *'s overall
declining popularity numbers.
Then, in July, Bush bottomed out. No more declining popularity numbers. I noticed this at the time
and thought it ominous back when people here were still trumpeting this pollkatz graphic.
It's not like the polling methodologies of every organization somehow changed in mid-July,
either. That would have produced a statistically noticeable spike. Instead we have a
statistically significant bell curve that is pointing upwards.
3.
The polls where this movement in Party ID is showing up are the ones that fail to CORRECT for
the unexplained phenomenon (i.e. ignore it and "cover it up") by applying sauce. There's
something to be said for sauce ("normalizing" party ID on the assumption that overall strength of the two parties will remain constant and not spike
or trend) but if we were on the other side of this much sauce, we'd be the ones trashing Zogby
and Rasmussen. All the other polls are being criticised for failing to reject "on faith"
a trend in their raw data. The trend needs to be analyzed and determined what is
causing it, across the board, including in the Rasmussen internals, before it can be
legitimately corrected for. I am not saying Gallup doesn't eagerly embrace the results,
mind you. I'm sure they have no interest in looking critically at the source of the trend.
4.
Assuming we are not down to an extent that Kerry MUST ace the debates or have an October
surprise, and I think the polls are off by a scalar margin of about 5% extra Republicans
in every poll, so we're not quite there yet --
What we may be looking at is an election where Bush has bottomed out amongst the VERY
UNDECIDEDS who are supposed to break for Kerry unexpectedly, i.e. the EARLY undecideds.
We could be seeing a major spike in Republican Party ID that, while sure to dissipate
if * wins re-election (how many people say they voted for Nixon?) IS STATISTICALLY ACCURATE and sure to leave a lasting impression on these voters as they
drift back to the Democrats and move the country even further to the right in years to
come. This is exactly what happened in 68 and 94, followed by periods of relatively increased
conservatism (Compare early 90's to late 90's, even among Democrats, or late 60's to mid-70's).
Whether or not we reach November 2 before Bush's actual reelect numbers break 50% is purely a
matter of how large the scalar oversampling factor of Republicans is amongst e.g. young women,
students, and blacks. But it will break 50% again at some point if it has not actually done so,
and past that point the election ceases to be about base turnout and becomes entirely dependent
on an October Surprise or media praise of Kerry in the debates. The latter is MUCH less likely!
5.
When a candidate bottoms out, he gets some momentum back regardless of whether the trend lines
are off on EVERY poll by a scalar correction margin for party ID.
If the Party ID is NOT off, or even just exaggeration of a slight movement of Undecideds
to call themselves Republican (these are the voters who were NEVER energised for Kerry and
never known enough to be ABB, so don't call BS on me just yet.)
6.
The undecideds we are speaking of are EARLY undecideds who can and do very easily break
overwhelmingly for the incumbent. Only LATE undecideds break always for the challenger.
The reasons for this are common knowledge here on DU.
7.
The total number of undecideds, regardless of whether they are likely voters, who are
switching their self-declared alliegance from Independent to Republican (or from Dem to
Republican in the case of hawkish dixiecrats and a certain percentage of "security moms")
could very easily be overwhelmingly larger than the MARGINAL percentage increase of Dems
and "new voters" who are mobilized to vote against Bush, who were not already accounted
for in the last election (new voters in 2000 having since replaced deceased older cohorts.)
In other words, don't get too cocky about the scalar margin of oversampling
Republican-leaning voters which, if it does exist, has been going on all year and is only
INCREASING because Shrub bottomed out in July -- which means he has unfortunately nowhere
to go but up amongst certain early undecideds who have given * repeated second looks, may in
fact feel jilted by Kerry and are rallying to the Republican party -- potentially long-term --
as a post-9-11 security blanket.
This is common psychological pattern among liberal younger voters, especially women,
when they decide conservatism is the "grown up" thing to do in a time of instability.
I don't like it, but it happened in 1968 and if we keep our heads in the sand, it will
happen again this year.
Let's not imagine this can't be 1968 all over again, only this time the EC is cushioning
Kerry somewhat since independent likely voters (mostly socially libertarian whites
who are critical of the war) are concentrated in the battlegrounds.