March 11, 2009, 8:56 am
John Hempton somewhat misunderstands
my point, but that’s OK. I should have been clearer — and he and I actually seem to be mainly in agreement.
I was not saying “nationalize all the banks”; I was saying do what the Swedes did — in tandem with a guarantee on bank liabilities, take the banks with zero or negative capital into receivership. It’s really important that you do this: if you offer a blanket guarantee on the assets of a bank that’s already underwater, you (a) are very likely to take a large hit on taxpayers’ money, without any share in the upside (b) create a huge moral hazard/looting incentive.
Basically, you really don’t want to turn Citigroup into a $2 trillion version of
Lincoln Savings and Loan. If you guarantee the liabilities of a stronger bank, by contrast, it’s probably OK even if you don’t take it into receivership.
Let me also say that I think a blanket guarantee without some kind of seizures will just fuel a vast — and justified — populist rage.
Anyway, I think Hempton and I are more or less saying the same thing: guarantee all bank liabilities except for (fill in the blank here), while taking over large banks that are essentially insolvent.
Wednesday, March 11, 2009
To my way of thinking Paul Krugman has
finally nailed the question as to bank nationalisation that matters. This the money quote:
That said, some decision must be reached on bank liabilities. Sweden guaranteed all of them. If forced to say, I would go the Swedish route; but of course we can’t do that unless we’re prepared to put all troubled banks in receivership. And I’m ready to be persuaded that some debts should not be honored — this is a deeply technical question.
He is absolutely right that this is the critical step in the decision making process is what parts of the banking structure you are going to either guarantee or effectively guarantee. The critical question is not nationalisation.
Sweden could guarantee all banking liabilities because – frankly – their banks were not that deeply insolvent.
We know they were not that deeply insolvent for a few reasons – the best of which is that ex-post the Swedish bailout cost very little (and the Norwegian bailouts were actually profitable for the government).
<...>
But the second part of Krugman’s paragraph contains a deeply troubling false logical step. He says: “but of course we can’t do that unless we’re prepared to put all troubled banks in receivership”.
To see why this is a false logical step you need a little history. A long time ago most the liabilities of almost all banks were deposits. The government guaranteed the deposits by creating the FDIC – it hence stopped crisis driven bank runs. It increased stability in a crisis. However it also allowed financial firms to take huge risks or even be looted (as per Charles Keating). The solution which was adopted (and let lapse of late) was that banks got the guarantee – but were heavily regulated to protect taxpayer interests. There was no need to nationalise the banks simply because you guaranteed the bulk of their liabilities. There was however a requirement to (a) regulate them, (b) assess their capital and (c) take “prompt” corrective action when that capital was inadequate. Prompt corrective action included confiscation. You did not take over banks because they had runs (the purpose of the FDIC guarantee was to stop runs), you took over banks when they inadequate capital.**
Nowadays a lot of banks have the bulk of their assets funded by things that are not deposits. Indeed at many banks deposits constitute less than half the balance sheet.
The old FDIC guarantee can’t stop runs because the run that happens is wholesale – it happens outside FDIC guarantee limit. If you want to stop bank runs the way that the original FDIC stopped bank runs you need to bite the “Swedish Bullet” – that is you need to effectively guarantee everything.
<...>
Krugman’s illogic however does not help the debate. There is a need to guarantee all banking assets – and it should be done provided it is affordable. There is no consequent need to nationalise the whole system – though there will be a need to have a process which will result in nationalisation of some institutions – what I call “
nationalisation after due process”.
more