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Edited on Fri Aug-01-08 06:29 PM by Kurt_and_Hunter
Negative advertising can backfire in primaries.
Negative advertising does not backfire in general elections. Candidates who are behind are likelier to go negative, so most negative advertising is done by losers, but noting that negative candidates tend to lose confuses cause and effect. (Most NFL single game passing/receiving records were set in losses because when you’re behind you have to keep throwing long passes.)
The primary/general difference is that the pool of voters in a primary is, on average, favorably disposed to all the candidates, and primary voters sometimes have more than two options. (Gephardt’s negative ad war against Howard Dean in Iowa2004 benefited John Kerry and John Edwards, who were innocent bystanders.)
General elections are almost the opposite of primaries. Primaries are decided by voters choosing like-minded candidates they really like. General elections are decided by indifferent voters choosing what they perceive as the lesser of two evils.
Again… ALL competitive general elections are decided by a stratum of voters in the middle who don’t like either candidate.
A negative ad makes an in-play voter dislike both candidates. If you watch a negative ad against Obama and feel GOOD about it you are already a certain McCain voter, and visa versa. The people who complain the most about negative ads on either side are not persuadable voters.
When McCain runs an ad against Obama he is hoping to gain a McCain vote, but is happy to merely discourage someone from voting at all if she MIGHT vote for Obama.
The opinions of non-voters are IRRELEVANT.
The opinions of decided voters are IRRELEVANT.
Advertising is aimed at a narrow and unrepresentative slice of the electorate, and those folks do not vote out of pity. Almost nobody votes for A (in a general election) *because* B was so mean to A.
It has been written about 10,000 times here that certain tactics employed by Clinton in the primaries “did not work.” Nothing could be further from the truth. We are back to the illusion cited at the beginning—-the fact that losers go negative doesn’t mean going negative makes you lose or doesn't move numbers. Hillary initially thought she could win without pissing off anybody. Only when her position became hopeless (February) did she become sharply negative, and it worked well. She became hated (rather than merely disliked) by some folks who weren't planning to vote for her anyway, but her fortunes did improve. People need to remember that as of March 1st it was doubted that she would ever win another primary, let alone win most of them.
Also, it is folly to say a tactic doesn't work in the general because it didn't work in a primary. The primaries demonstrated, at most, that McCain's tack wouldn't prevail if everyone in America was a Democrat. Well, yeah...
(The Japanese Kamikazee pilots in WWII have been denigrated as a failed tactic because… well, because Japan lost the war. In actuality, had Japan adopted the Kamikazee in 1941 they would have won the war unless America followed suit. The Kamikazee was a major technological leap-frog, inventing the cruise missile a generation before its time, and Kamikazes did incredible damage to American ships in relative terms—compared to what the same plane could have done if the pilot survived. The Kamikazee was exactly the sort of ugly extreme desperation measure that works, but that no one adopts until they have already lost.)
Negativity doesn’t always win, but it always seems to move numbers.
It is one of life’s mysteries why some campaigns THINK they cannot go negative. If Walter Mondale had run ads saying, “Ronald Reagan is Senile and will blow up the world,” would Mondale have lost 50 states instead of only 49?
The $64,000 question is, of course, “How do you counter negative advertising?”
The answer is simple but not easy: be liked. If people’s impressions don’t match the ads then their impressions are decisive.
So no negative ad can really be countered in specific. Contradicted? Yes. Disproved? Sure. But the sound of the bell cannot be unrung.
It can, however, be drowned out.
McCain says, “Obama’s a light-weight.” Nobody thinks any actual voter on the fence accepts the ad as evidence, let alone as conclusive. Either way, it’s an opinion, not a fact. The idea is to prime people to assess future information through the “light-weight” lens.
Negative ads use narrow charges to raise broad questions, and answering the specific charges made in an ad is largely a waste of time.
It’s defensive and appears weak, and often has the opposite effect. In politics the act of rebutting charges legitimizes the charges. (As Lyndon Johnson famously said, “At least make the son of a bitch deny it.”)
In fact, lying about your opponent can be more effective than offering equally damaging truths. Your opponent is likelier to take the bait when it’s a lie, and that keeps the story going.
In tactical day-to-day terms negativity can be countered quite well by more negativity, but not on the other guy’s established playing field.
When McCain launches some shit, the tactical response should be to take him down hard on some UNRELATED matter, so you don’t reinforce the frame McCain is seeking to establish. (And don’t sound like a child in an “Is.”, “Is not” argument.)
McCain: You want to lose the Iraq War. (Framing the war in terms of winning and losing.)
Some politicians want to be right… win every trick. Kerry or Gore would demonstrate with precise logic that the charge is false and that their Iraq strategy is better for America. Unfortunately, that’s bad politics. After the third paragraph of explanation the persuadable voter starts to think there must be something to the charge… why else is it taking so long to explain?
McCain: You want to lose the Iraq War.
Obama: America deserves better than a politician implicated in the Keating five scandal.
McCain turns red in the face and screeches that he was exonerated… EXONERATED DAMMIT!
Now the question is why McCain is freaking over some scandal… seems to have touched a nerve. He must have something to hide.
That response has the benefit of changing the subject and being somewhat unfair. The evening news is then “What was the Keating five scandal?” instead of, “Does Obama want to lose the war?”
The thing is, there is no upside to leading the news with “Does Obama want to lose the war?” Even if the piece concludes that Obama doesn’t want to lose the war, there’s no benefit to it.
The question is not whether Obama CAN defend himself against the charge he wants to lose the war.
The question is, “Since this is what John McCain wants to talk about, why should I want to talk about it? Let’s talk about something McCain doesn’t want to talk about.”
The tactical back and forth is not about winning arguments, as Kerry and Gore seemed to think, but about programming the evening news.
And again, to understand the flow of this stuff it is vital to remember that all of this back-and-forth is irrelevant to anyone who already knows how she intends to vote. 80% of the electorate is now irrelevant to the entire campaign process.
And the remaining 20% cannot be persuaded by debate. They are all about intangibles, symbols and atmospherics.
They have no idea who is wining a debate on points, but they can sense who is on the defensive.
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