Thanks for raising the points you did. I also accept nationalism as a
fait accompli in my essay, but I want to stress that it need not be regarded as inevitable or inescapable. The more we can start to think of nationalism as temporary, a mere stage in the evolution of humanity, that someday our successors will (hopefully) look back on nation-states as a quaint relic.
I am well aware that my own nation was formed largely to resist being absorbed by another nation: the United States. And no offense to anyone, but I am glad that Canada exists, and I consider myself lucky to have been born there. Nevertheless, I would prefer to think of myself as a citizen of Earth, not just a Canadian. Many of the things I admire about Canada are not exclusive to Canada; the ideals reflected in our Charter Of Rights And Freedoms are shared by countless others throughout the world. It would be a grave error to insist that Canadians have a monopoly on politeness or other alleged national traits. Our aspirations should be human and global rather than national.
Look up Wilson's 14 Points before you publish.Thanks, I remembered Wilson's points but hadn't reviewed them. Here is probably the most cogent excerpt from Wilson's speech in 1918:
"What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression.
All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us."
Although he didn't emphasize it sufficiently, Wilson also suggests that the primary "rights" lie with the people of the world, and that the "rights" of nations flow from the consent of their people.
Also, he did of course propose in this speech a supra-national body to mediate and govern relations between nations, eventually leading to the formation of the UN.
Most of his points, however, dealt with the specific situations in Europe at that time, and the restorations of nationhood were based more on practical solutions than on an insistence on each "nation's" fundamental "right to exist". In fact, the most relevant Point might be number Five:
"V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty t
he interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined.
"
Wilson's speech in its entirety, courtesy of the US State Dept.:
http://usinfo.state.gov/usa/infousa/facts/democrac/51.htmConsider the situation of peoples that are forced to assume a role withing artificial states that they do not want to play. Remember the Armenians and the Greeks in Turkey or any number of similar situations (including the Kurds in Iraq, Turkey, Syria and Iran).My reference to Quebec reflects these concerns. Linguistically and culturally, Quebecois consider themselves a distinct nation trapped within another nation, and there has been endless talk of separation. That view is a little inaccurate, because Quebec is one of the co-founders of Canada, they signed on freely right from the start, and Canada was always viewed as a union of two nations. At least if Quebec does separate, the likelihood of "ethnic cleansing" will be minimal: an avalanche of newspapaer editorials but zero bloodshed.
Still, of course it's hard not to sympathize with the plight of Kurds or other suppressed minorities in troubled nations which do not enjoy the benefit of a Charter of Rights. BUT I maintain that the correct answer is "human rights should be upheld everywhere without discrimination", NOT "they should have their own racial homeland".
Finally, I agree with your concise assessment:
I have always disagreed with Israel's de jure right to exist. Yet it exists de facto, and said existence must be accepted with all legal consequences. Palestine has a de jure right to exist but de facto it doesn't.In my next draft I will make use of those terms "de jure" and "de facto". I am not a lawyer (thank heavens), so I lack some legal expertise, but my aim is to articulate these concepts for the general reader.