In DC you have to have a permit to own a handgun,
or else you are facing three years in jail if caught.
The DC government administratively stopped issuing permits in 1976.
The permit law, however, is still on the books.
A lot of people have been convicted of possessing a handgun in DC
without a permit.I just expect people trying to teach me a lesson to do a slightly better job of it.
I don't have a clue, or care, about this "shall issue" / "may issue" business, but it occurs to me that it has something to do with this.
Is there some requirement, either express or (in your opinion, perhaps) implied, that the DC government issue handgun permits to someone or anyone?
If not, what's your point?
In my own paradigm, if a government may do something but doesn't do it, i.e. doesn't do it at all (rather than doing it sometimes and not others, for arbitrary or discriminatory reasons), then there's just no problem -- unless the refusal to act, itself, violates a constitutional right.
If the government of Ontario decided to stop issuing driver's licences
to anyone, then somebody would undoubtedly challenge that decision/action in the courts. The argument would be that refusing to issue driver's licences -- as long as a driver's licence was still required for driving on the public highways -- was an unconstitutional interference with liberty.
Of course, the smart way of doing that would be to bring an application to compel the government to issue the licence -- not to go driving around without a licence and waiting until you get charged. (Gosh, maybe those firearms owners in that Massachusetts town could try that one, and get their costs awarded to them in the process.)
And unless the government could establish some really great big reason for doing what it had done -- that it was acting in pursuit of a really important public purpose, that what it had done was rationally connected to that purpose, that what it had done was the least possible impairment of liberty, and so on according to the tests that apply -- the courts would strike the law down.
So, in the DC case, if the state isn't discriminating, or arbitrarily interfering in some but not other people's exercise of a right, or denying the exercise of a right altogether, what's the problem?
And if the refusal to issue handgun permits is in fact a denial of the exercise of a right, how come nobody's challenged the decision not to issue him/her a permit? Or has somebody?
In any event, there's a slight difference between being
unable to renew a firearms permit (and, shall we assume, unable to legally transfer ownership of it or persuade the police to take it), and thus being stuck in violation of the law without any possibility of remedying the violation, and purchasing a handgun without a permit. There isn't really a "necessity" situation in the latter case. That's not to say that there might not be grounds for challenging a conviction for violating a law that was itself an unconstitutional denial of rights, of course, but really, the clever person would challenge the refusal to issue the permit, not the illegal possession conviction.
Your country has a set of tests for determining whether an interference with the exercise of rights is constitutionally permissible or not that is similar, but not identical, to my country's. I keep recommending that folks hereabouts familiarize themselves with them if they aren't already familiar, since otherwise all anybody is doing is flinging around idiosyncratic assertions about what's "right" and what's "wrong", or that "it violates my rights!" without stating why the violation is impermissible ... and that just doesn't constitute a relevant or useful contribution to a discussion of public policy, especially when such assertions conflict with the actual rules. And
there are rules; that's what we have constitutions and constitutional courts for.
Here's an example of a handy starter resource for this purpose, this one about "equal protection".
http://www.law.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/conlaw/epcscrutiny.htmLevels of Scrutiny Under the Three-Tiered
Approach to Equal Protection Analysis
1. STRICT SCRUTINY (The government must show that
the challenged classification serves a compelling state
interest and that the classification is necessary to serve
that interest.):
A. Suspect Classifications:
1. Race
2. National Origin
3. Religion (either under EP or Establishment Clause
analysis)
4. Alienage (unless the classification falls within a
recognized "political community" exception, in which
case only rational basis scrutiny will be applied).
B. Classifications Burdening Fundamental Rights
1. Denial or Dilution of the Vote
2. Interstate Migration
3. Access to the Courts
4. Other Rights Recognized as Fundamental
2. MIDDLE-TIER SCRUTINY (The government must
show that the challenged classification serves an
important state interest and that the classification is at
least substantially related to serving that interest.):
Quasi-Suspect Classifications:
1. Gender
2. Illegitimacy
3. MINIMUM (OR RATIONAL BASIS) SCRUTINY (The
govenment need only show that the challenged
classification is rationally related to serving a
legitimate state interest.)
Minimum scrutiny applies to all classifications other
than those listed above, although some Supreme Court
cases suggest a slightly closer scrutiny ("a
second-order rational basis test") involving some
weighing of the state's interest may be applied in
cases, for example, involving classifications that
disadvantage mentally retarded people, homosexuals,
or innocent children of illegal aliens. (See "Should
the Rational Basis Test Have Bite?")
That site's a little thin on due process, for example:
http://www.law.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/conlaw/dueprocesstudents.htm but it has a variety of other stuff:
http://www.law.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/conlaw/home.htmlI don't say that it's
authority, just that it seems to be a decent introduction to the concepts.
.