Because there are a number of inaccuracies in his piece, and he fails to even pause to consider some possibilities (let alone argue against them).
Thirty thousand: that’s about the same number of Americans who died in 2006 from gunshot wounds. Almost one hundred every day.
One hundred every day would be 36,500, an increase of over 20% from the actual number (which would be 82.2/day). Inflated death tolls are, in my experience, a strong indication that the speaker doesn't quite believe his own rhetoric. If you think 30,000/year is bad enough, why do you want to put a number into your audience's minds ("one hundred every day") that is more than 20% larger than the actual number?
There are many hypotheses, by no means mutually exclusive: A “gun culture” based upon a long historical tradition, the depiction of gun violence in the popular mass media (movies and TV, computer video games), the large number of privately owned firearms (though less, per capita, than in Canada), and finally, the almost total absence of laws restricting gun ownership.
If we're talking specifically about mass shootings and assassinations of public figures, there is a factor Partridge curiously overlooks: the role of the
news mass media. The mass media created celebrities, and then created a shortcut to celebrity levels of renown by murdering one. Thing was, you used to have to murder a serving president (and a popular one at that) or someone of the caliber of John Lennon to really get noticed. Then, after the arrival on the scene of 24-hour rolling news channels like CNN, attention-seekers noticed that you didn't have to kill the president: if you murdered a dozen or so random people, you'd get noticed as well, and that was
way easier than killing one specific celebrity or politician.
Seriously, ask someone like Park Dietz; when the news media are saturated with reports of a mass shooting, and the shooter is portrayed as some fearsome anti-hero ("clad in black military-style clothing and wielding two lethal semi-automatic handguns...") with his face being displayed on every news channel from here to New Delhi, there's usually a copycat shooting within two weeks.
This phenomenon appears to have passed Partridge by.
The unrestricted access to and ownership of guns in the United States is largely a result of the lobbying of the gun industry through its surrogate, the National Rifle Association, which wields virtual veto power over the Congress. This despite the fact that a majority of the American public, including the rank and file members of the NRA, approve of restrictions on gun ownership.
The American arms and ammunition manufacturing industry isn't exactly a powerful lobby. It consists of about 300 companies with a combined annual revenue of ~$5bn (for sales to the private sector) and about 21,000 employees. What gives the NRA its power is its ability to direct voting; there's a reason its initials have been semi-jokingly referred to by those holding elected office as "Never Re-elected Again." But how can this be, when the opinion polls Partridge cites indicate such a large percentage of respondents favoring additional restrictions on gun ownership?
Well, the limitations of opinion polls are well known; in particular, they may suffer from "response bias" (
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Opinion_poll#Response_bias) in which respondents may, for example, give an answer that they perceive as more socially acceptable than their actual opinion, and the way they actually end up voting. As the Wikipedia piece notes, "If the results of surveys are widely publicized this effect may be magnified - a phenomenon commonly referred to as the spiral of silence."
At the end of the day, opinion polls carry no weight; what matters is how the votes go, and the evidence points to additional gun control being a vote-loser. Apparently, there are a lot of people who may tell pollsters they favor licensing, say, but they won't vote for a candidate who supports the idea.
Following each assassination or massacre in the United States, there is a public outcry for gun control: the Kennedy and King assassinations in the sixties, the Columbine High School Shootings in April,1999, the Virginia Tech massacre in April, 2007. The Tucson shootings last month, however, were ominously different.
Actually, no. Following the Virginia Tech shooting, there was little public outcry, and what little there was was dampened when it emerged that Cho had purchased his guns illegally (since he lied on his ATF forms 4473), and only passed the NICS check because of bureaucratic inertia.
The horrible incidents in Littleton, Colorado, Blacksburg, Virginia, Tucson, Arizona, and other places too numerous to mention, routinely provoke in the public media a flow of logical fallacies, originating from or encouraged by the gun lobby, sufficient to launch a thousand books devoted thereto.
Say what? In my experience, the news media's tendency when reporting gun policy issues is to let Helmke or Henigan of the Brady Campaign yak on for a paragraph, then Sugarmann or Stewart of the VPC for another, and finally provide "balance" by quoting one sentence (two at the outside) from an NRA spokesperson. Am I living in the alternate reality here, or is Partridge?
The Slippery Slope - (alternatively called "the domino effect" and "the camel's nose"). We've all heard the argument: "once they (meaning , of course, the government) take away our assault weapons, what's to keep them from confiscating all handguns, and then our sporting and target rifles? Where do you draw the line?" An interesting but often overlooked feature of "slippery slope arguments" is that the slope slips in both directions. Hence, the arguments of the gun-control advocates: "once you allow citizens to own assault weapons, why not artillery, or even atomic weapons? Where do you draw the line?"
As other posters, such as benEzra and TPaine7, have pointed out on this forum, one of the lines
has been drawn with the National Firearms Act of 1934. Private citizens cannot legally possess weapons capable of burst or automatic fire, over .50" in caliber (with the exception of smoothbore shotguns and black powder muzzle-loaders), any "destructive device," any rifle with a barrel under 16" in length, any shotgun with a barrel under 18" in length, Any Other Weapon that is a firearm capable of being concealed that is not a standard handgun, or a suppressor, without undergoing a background check, filling out a ton of paperwork, having the item registered and paying the ATF $200 for a "tax stamp." Quite a few states won't allow some or all of the aforementioned (for example, in my home state of Washington, private citizens can't own automatic weapons, SBRs or SBSs, and while you can
own a suppressor, it's illegal to actually
use it on a firearm). Nobody's mounting any serious challenge to the provisions of the Gun Control Act of 1968 either, which prohibit those adjudicated "mentally defective," convicted of a felony, or a misdemeanor crime of domestic violence, or subject to a restraining order, from purchasing firearms, and requires interstate commerce of firearms to go through Federal Firearms Licensees. So insofar as the slope is slippery away from gun control, it is a very short slope.
In the other direction, as X_digger rightly noted earlier, the slippery slope isn't a fallacy when the opposition actually
does want to keep advancing the restrictions. Time and again, gun control advocates have described any measure as "a good first step," which implies that more steps are to follow. The appropriate metaphor is actually not so much the "slippery slope," but rather, "you give an inch, they (try to) take a mile."
And on constitutional issues--and this applies to Partridge's next point, the "Sacred Text," as well--it is highly inadvisable to give an inch,
ever, because your opponents will then cite the fact that you gave that inch as precedent for why you should yield another, and another, and another. This is why the ACLU, Americans United etc. make such a fuss over something as seemingly trivial as Christmas decorations on government property.
All-or-Nothing Causation. This fallacy is heard in the remark, "millions of kids play video games and watch violent TV and movies, but they don't all go on shooting rampages." In this we hear echoes from the tobacco industry: "millions of people smoke, but most of them don't get lung cancer. Ergo, smoking does not cause lung cancer."
That's an enticing analogy, but it doesn't work if you reverse the argument. The causal link between smoking and lung cancer is supported by the fact that something in the order of 90% of lung cancer patients are current or former smokers, while very few non-smokers contract lung cancer.
Partridge's observations also betrays his ignorance of the subject. Most opposition to video games is based on the notion that most gamers are minors; in actual 2/3 of gamers are over 18, and their average age is 30. Half the American population plays video games; simple statistical chance decrees that many violent criminals and mass shooters will turn out to be gamers as well, just as statistical chance decrees that many of them will be licensed drivers, monotheists, drink soda and eat wheat.
Scientific "proof" is not only probabilistic (i.e., "a matter of degree"), in addition valid scientific hypotheses must be "falsifiable in principle" - i.e., the proponent of the hypothesis must be prepared to describe "what it would be like" (contrary to fact) for the hypothesis to be false. It is unlikely that "hired gun" debunkers in either the tobacco or the firearms industries are prepared to tell us what sort of "proof" might convince them that their products are, in fact, public menaces.
Markedly lacking from this piece is what evidence would convince Partridge that they
aren't. Hypocrisy may not be fallacious, but that doesn't make it right.
As I have argued above, "the culture of violence" does not have a single cause, and thus does not have a single remedy. But if asked to identify, in descending order of significance, the root causes, I would begin with this: depersonalization. We live in a society that reduces persons to "personnel" in corporate structures, to "consumers" and "utility maximizers" in our economy, and to targets in our media. To the Columbine killers, Harris and Klebold, their fellow students were no more "persons" than the video images in "Doom" or the cinema images in "The Basketball Diaries." It all comes down to this: a deranged individual is capable of shooting at human-flesh-as-object. However, except in such desperate circumstances as warfare or self-defense, or in cases of extreme stress, few individuals can shoot to kill someone recognized as a fellow personal human being.
I actually think he's onto something with the notion of depersonalization, but more in the way it motivates the killers directly. A lot of shooters, I think, are motivated by frustration caused by feeling they aren't being treated as individuals--by their schools, their employer, their banks and insurance companies, the courts--and that the only way to get even part of society to sit up and take notice of them is to kill a bunch of people. It does seem to be just about the one sure-fire way to displace Brangelina, Lindsay Lohan and Charlie Sheen from the television and supermarket check-out magazine rack. Opening the window and shouting "I'm as mad as hell and I'm not going to take it any more" stopped working before the movie
Network was even over (which was one of the points of the movie).
I'll also agree that "the culture of violence" doesn't have a single cause (though given the tenor of Partridge's piece, it's a bit difficult to believe he actually believes that: he seems to think 90% of it is due to "the almost total absence of laws restricting gun ownership"; alternatively, the closing paragraphs are a tacit admission on his part that blaming guns is overly simplistic), but in addition I'll argue that neither does it have a single means of expression. For every individual who commits a major act of violence, there are thousands who watch in rapt fascination. It wouldn't matter if every 24-hour news channel fixated on the latest mass shooting
if we didn't pay so much attention to it.
I'll conclude by pointing out that mass killings are not limited to the United States. We've seen them in the United Kingdom, Australia, Germany, and France, and more recently in east Asia and even though they haven't occurred with anywhere near the frequency that they do in the United States, evidently all the necessary ingredients are present in societies other than the United States, despite the absence of the NRA. All it evidently takes is for the would-be killer to acquire
a suitable weapon, which does not necessarily mean a firearm. Tightening gun laws won't stop mass killings; maybe we should focus on finding what will.