The authors that wrote the pro & con Dean pieces in this month's TNR critique each other's articles and arguments...
Here's an excerpt that may address your concern:
More important, though, you underestimate the ability of Dean to be different things to different people at the same time, without going through the clunky "reinventions" that doomed Gore. The best politicians can play to different crowds simultaneously; to the extent this would seem duplicitous, they overcome it with sheer charm and magnetism. Bush is terrific at this; so was Bill Clinton. (That's why people still argue over whether he was really a liberal or a centrist.) When you consider the excellent point raised by our colleague Noam Scheiber--that Dean has appealed to liberals largely on rhetoric and tone, not substance--he is in some ways better positioned to perform this sort of political magic than most of his rivals.
You're convinced that Dean will never make it with conservative, rural voters--no matter what his policies. And just as you generously--if partially--conceded one of my points, let me do the same: This is definitely Dean's biggest problem. Although I cited Dean's strong showing among independents in one New Hampshire poll, you very correctly pointed out that the types of independents he's winning in New Hampshire-- predominantly young, white, affluent professionals--represent just one faction within the independent category, one likely to vote Democratic anyway. This is the reason such intelligent people as Ruy Teixeira, who surely knows far more about public opinion than either one of us, think you're mostly right and I'm mostly wrong.
But I'd be careful about reading too much into these early poll numbers, and not only because of the volatile political environment. (Given the way things are going, who's to say that supporting the war in Iraq won't be a major liability in November 2004?) Compared to the other leading candidates, who were well known even before this campaign, Dean's strength in the polls disproportionately reflects his success at communicating with people who care about politics. And since much of this communication has taken place over the Internet, it's quite predictably been with affluent, well-educated people. Blue-collar voters, by contrast, know little about Dean--except, perhaps, the part they like least, namely some caricatured version of his opposition to the war. That will change as the campaign continues and Dean starts communicating, through more conventional means, with people who aren't so consumed with politics right now. And as these people get to know Dean, I think they'll like what they see.http://www.tnr.com/doc.mhtml?i=express&s=chaitcohn072403