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Edited on Sat Feb-24-07 03:02 PM by Morgana LaFey
And that IS the correct spelling of Brzezinski, btw. You've got a handful of different variations in your OP.
I've not fully figured him out yet, but Brzezinski wrote a report for the Counsil on Foreign Relations in 1997 (and available on AMazon, btw) called The Grand Chessboard: American Primay and its Geostrategic Inmperatives. The parts of it I've seen read like a PNAC document, or a precursor for same, or just a mirror of some of their findings. I don't know. I just know I'm not totally comfortable with him.
I'm going to quote from The War on Freedom: How and Why America was Attacked on September 11, 2001 by Nafeez Ahmed, c. 2002, also available on Amazon and one heckuva read, btw:
...the CFR study goes into great detail about U.S. interests in 'Eurasia' and the need for a "sustained and directed" U.S. involvement in the Central Asian region to secure these interests.
"Ever since the continun ts started interacting politically, some five hundred years ago, Eurasia has been the center of world power," he observes. Eurasia consists of all the territory each of Germany and Poland, all the way through Russia and China to the Pacific Ocean, including the Middle East and most of the Indian subcontinent. Brzezinski notes that the key to controlling Eurasia lies in establishing control over the republics of Central Asia.
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He also notes that any nation becoming predominent in Central Asia would thus pose a direct threat to U.S. control of oil resources both within the region and in the Persian Gulf. The Central Asian republics, he records, "are of important from the standpoing of security and historical ambitions to at least three of their most immediate and more powerful neighbors, namely Russia, Turkey, and Iran, with China also signaling an increasing political interset in the region...
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He then pointed out from the above that: "It follow that America's primary interest is to help ensure that no single power comes to control this geopolitical space and that the global community has unhindered financial and economic access to it.
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Brzezinski then comes to the crucial conclusion that: "Without sustained and directed American involvement, before long the forces fo global disorder could come to dominate the world scene. And the possiblility of such a fragmentation is inherent in the geopolitical tensions not only of today's Eurasia but of the world more generally." These observations are rooted indelibly in the Council on Foreign Relations' principal concern -- the maintenance of global U.S. dominance:
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"About 75 percent of the world's people live in Eurasia, and most of the world's physical wealth is there as well, both in its enterprises and underneath its soil. Eurasia accounts fo 60 percent of the world's GNP and about three-fourths of the world's known energy resources...
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"In the long run, global politics are bound to become increasingly uncongenial to the concentration of hegemonic power in the hands of a single state. Hence, America is not only the first, as well as the only, truly global superpower, but it is also likely to be the very last."
The next point made by Brzezinski is crucial:
"Moreover, as America becomes an increasingly multi-cultural socity, it may find it more difficult to fashion a consensus on foreign policy issues, except in the circumstance of a truly massive and widely perceived direct external threat."
Long-standing U.S. aims to establish hegemony -- the "decisive arbitration role" of "America's primacy" -- over "Eurasia" through control of CXentral Asia thus entailed the use of "sustained and directed American involvement," justified through the manufacture of "a truly massive and widely perceived direct external threat." This should also be understood in context with his earlier assertion that: "The attitude of the American public toward the external projection of American power has been much more ambivalent. The public supported American's engagement in World War II largely because of the shock effect of the Japanaese attqck on Pearl Harbor."
Brzezinski clearly envisaged that the establishment, consolidation and expansion of U.S. military hegemony over Eurasia through Central Asia would require the unprecedented, open-ended militarism of foreign policy, coupled with an unprecedented manufacture of domestic support and consensus on this militarisation campaign.
He also recognized that this would require the perception of an external threat of hitherto unprecedented proportions.
Given that Afghanistan constitutes the principal opening into Central Asia, it is clear that the CFS's strategic planning for the expansion and consolidation of U.S. global hegemony via control of Eurasia -- itself secured through control of Central Asia -- would of necessity be initaited through the establishment of U.S. hegemony in Afghanistan.
And, of course, that's where we started -- in Afghanistan, where we already had significant "geopolitical" and commercial interests. Ahmed goes into the "carpet of gold or carpet of bombs" threat made against the Taliban earlier in 2001, btw, and I think the $43 million given to the Taliban through Colin Powell. It's a very good book.
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