August 13, 2004
Report from Caracas
The Referendum on Chávez is Only a Preview of Bigger Battles to Come
By LEE SUSTAR
Caracas.
The populist Venezuela President Hugo Chávez Frias looks likely to win the recall elections on August 15, but the conservative opposition will keep battering away-and with Washington's help.In a typically wide-ranging and lengthy press conference August 12--Noam Chomsky, Eduardo Galleano, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau each got mentions--Chávez mixed defiant statements about U.S. imperialism and George W. Bush (the "master" of the opposition) with an offer to meet with his rivals after his expected victory.For their part, the opposition leaders, who later that day drew more than 100,000 to rally across town in the upscale neighborhood of Altamira, whipped up the vote for a "yes" to the recall-and showed little interest in reconciliation with Chávez, who they tried and fail to oust in a coup in 2002.
Financed by virtually all of Venezuelan big business and given all-out support by the corporate electronic media, the opposition may be past its peak but can still muster large numbers. The opposition has taken up the slogan "against jobs, insecurity and disunion" to appeal to the lower middle classes. Many of these people have been downwardly mobile or economically insecure since neoliberal, free-market "structural adjustment" came to Venezuela in 1989, the year a popular uprising against International Monetary Fund austerity measures was put down with 1,500 killed.
The opposition's appeal to the middle class on economic issues, however, doesn't square with their earlier attack on Chávez's social programs, known as "missions." Taking a page from NGOs, Chávez's team has bypassed the inefficient and opposition-dominated state bureaucracy to create ten new operations, including medical clinics in shantytowns and villages, staffed by Cuban doctors; technical assistance to farmers; food security for impoverished indigenous groups. (Think about it: in the U.S. people lose their health care every day; in impoverished Venezuela, the system is expanding). A poster seen in the Caracas subway captures the impact of the programs: A Black woman says, "Today I'm a maid; tomorrow, I'll be a social worker." Such programs an essential part of what Chávez calls his "Bolívarian revolutionary process"-a populist program of aid to the poor and nationalist insistence on Venezuela's sovereignty. It's a charismatic, top-down, leadership-centered "revolution," however, compared to the mass insurrection that toppled the Somoza dictatorship in Nicaragua in 1979.
Nevertheless missions-funded by high oil prices-have deepened Chávez's support among the poor, and were key to mobilizing an estimated 1.2 million to a "Vote No" rally August 8. (An opposition rally that day drew well over 100,00 as well, but was nevertheless far smaller than its counterpart). It's the sight of poor Venezuelans-some 80 percent of the population-politically active and with raised expectations that terrifies the wealthy and upper middle class. To mobilize votes, however, they need to give a populist cover to the opposition. To that end, the Confederation of Venezuelan Workers (CTV in Spanish), long controlled by the Democratic Action (AD) party, has played a prominent role, as has the Movement Towards Socialism (MAS) and a Maoist sect, Red Flag. But the brief U.S.-backed seizure of power by Pedro Carmona, head of the business group, FEDECAMARAS from April 11-13 discredited the opposition in the eyes of millions. The failure of the bosses' "strike" in the oil industry in 2002-2003-which dealt a huge blow to the Venezuelan economy-also cost the opposition support. The aftermath of the oil strike saw the main oil workers unions and others leave the CTV to form the National Union of Workers (UNT), which is in the process of developing its structure and program.
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