By TIMOTHY O'BRIEN
New York Times
April 11, 2004
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Attendees have included luminaries like Prince Bandar bin Sultan, Saudi Arabia's ambassador to the United States; Jack Valenti, the president of the Motion Picture Association of America; and others with surnames like Greenspan, Kissinger and Rehnquist. President Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney made their first joint public appearance after the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks at the Alfalfa gathering in 2002. And each and every year, after dinner winds down, a dynamic Alfalfan from Mississippi, standing just over 5 feet tall, is host for a late-night cocktail party or a brunch the following day. These events are more than mere codas to an evening of networking. They are reminders that in a town long on political heavyweights and short on full-blown business tycoons, the 79-year-old host, Joe L. Allbritton, is a corporate titan. Upon arriving in Washington in the mid-1970's, Mr. Allbritton cemented his ties to the city's high and mighty by assembling a gaggle of businesses: a newspaper, television stations and the faded banking jewel of Washington's financial establishment, the Riggs National Corporation. Along the way, he has given generously to charitable causes, helped to endow institutions as diverse as the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts and the George Bush Presidential Library and Museum, and relished the international cachet that Riggs conveyed despite its middling fortunes. Today, however, Mr. Allbritton and Riggs National Bank, which provides banking services to most of Washington's foreign embassies and to American consulates worldwide, are swept up in controversy. Federal law enforcement officials, Congressional investigators and banking regulators are scouring Riggs accounts in a wide-ranging investigation revolving around the netherworlds of terrorist financing, money laundering and the seamier geopolitics of Big Oil. Neither Mr. Allbritton nor Riggs have been charged with any crime, although regulators say they are considering levying large fines against the bank for possible violations of statutes meant to thwart money laundering. One former Riggs executive, Simon P. Kareri, is the target of a grand jury investigation related to the inquiry. The bank has been cooperating with an F.B.I. investigation of Saudi Arabian accounts at the bank, some controlled by Prince Bandar. The investigation began as federal officials tried to track funds used by the Sept. 11 hijackers; as the investigation wore on, banking regulators became increasingly alarmed by Riggs's practices. Last July, they publicly rebuked the bank for failing to comply with anti-money-laundering standards. Although Riggs said it has made great progress in overhauling its practices, it has suffered yet another setback. In recent months, according to people with knowledge of the investigation, the bank's own examiners revealed to regulators that Mr. Kareri failed to adequately supervise accounts held by officials and the government of the oil-rich West African nation of Equatorial Guinea. Until late February, Riggs managed $360 million worth of Equatorial Guinean accounts that federal investigators say were controlled by that country's dictator. The accounts were largely funded by proceeds from deals with Exxon Mobil, the oil company. Federal investigators say they are scrutinizing those accounts to see if they involve the proceeds of political graft or were used to bribe executives of any American companies, according to an individual with direct knowledge of the investigation. The problems with the Equatorial Guinean accounts also prompted the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency last month to warn Riggs that it plans to label it a "troubled" institution, meaning that the bank would have to cede significant managerial authority to the government. RIGGS, meanwhile, decided to close all of its Saudi accounts in early March after huge cash transfers by Prince Bandar in and out of his personal accounts aroused fresh concerns at the bank about the nature of the transactions. A spokesman for the Saudi Arabian Embassy said that the F.B.I. recently assured the embassy that there were no concerns that any Saudi accounts at Riggs involved terrorist funds or money laundering. The Equatorial Guinean Embassy did not respond to repeated interview requests. Amid this turmoil sits Mr. Allbritton, Riggs's controlling shareholder and until 2002 its chief executive. For more than two decades, he has held the reins of a bank that is a highly personal, extraordinarily quirky institution. Riggs is deeply rooted in the history of Washington: Abraham Lincoln and Jefferson Davis held accounts there. Today, despite anemic profits and an elfin footprint that would make it a backwater bank in other locales, Riggs has maintained its stature by catering to the glamorous, chauffeur-and-Champagne set that is Washington's elite political and diplomatic corps. Although Mr. Allbritton and Prince Bandar share a fascination with expensive racehorses, frequent the same spots on the cocktail circuit, and have each courted the Bush family, they do not have a close personal relationship, according to Mr. Allbritton's friends. Even so, friends and banking analysts say that it would have been unusual for Mr. Allbritton and Prince Bandar not to have had regular business contacts, because the Saudis are among Riggs's biggest clients. Until the Sept. 11 attacks, Saudi officials often rolled into a Riggs branch on a Friday and withdrew millions of dollars for, say, a weekend splurge in London, according to individuals familiar with the transactions.
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