June 1, 2015

The Public Square

I was encouraged by Bernie Sanders’ call for an increase in the number of presidential candidates’ debates, and even more so by his suggestion that a more open, inclusive forum be used. It will be interesting to see two things: first, if any of the marginal republicans endorse the concept; and second, how the corporate machines behind both parties respond.

The republican machine, of course, is intent upon limiting both access to, and the number of, their primary debates. As Willard Romney has said, there’s no use in even talking to 47% of the voters. Rick Perry himself has noted there are three reasons for this. But there are plenty of others, such as Rand Paul, who appear eager to appear on any stage.

I suppose it is inevitable that some in the Democratic Party will insist that Sanders’ suggestion is foolish, and that there are established rules that make it impossible to seriously consider providing the American public with that more open and inclusive format to discuss the serious problems that we face. It’s possible that they will take a page from the republican book -- first, make fun of the idea; second, say its impossible; and then simply ignore it.

Every step towards bringing “politics” back to the Public Square is, in my opinion, a good thing. Indeed, that is what our constitutional democracy requires. It is, in essence, the opposite of having decisions made in what were once known as “smoke-filled rooms,” but now are plush, air-conditioned corporate offices.

The three announced democratic candidates -- Hillary Clinton, Bernie Sanders, and Martin O’Malley -- are all capable communicators; each would have opportunity to appeal to a wider base by using such a format. It would be interesting to show the stark differences between reality-based candidates, and those who deny climate change. There are other extremely important issues to be discussed, from national security to the TPP. This format could only be “high risk” for a corporate candidate, such as Jeb Bush.

Malcolm X used to say that if you place a sparkling clean glass of water next to a glass of filthy sludge, you can trust a thirsty public to make the correct choice. I think a “water-taste-test” in the Public Square is a great idea.

Peace,
H2O Man

May 28, 2015

Food for Thought

This is a link to a short film that my daughter & two classmates made on food.

May 27, 2015

Real People

It seems lately that my attempts to become a full-time hermit, and cut off almost all contact with the outside world, keep getting derailed, if only temporarily. But what, a rational human being can -- and, indeed, should --ask is, “But what does this have to do with that fellow Bernie Sanders?” That’s a fair question. A little “off the wall,” but I’ll deal with it.

One of my favorite pastimes is sitting quietly, out near my little pond, and feed the fish, birds, and chipmunks. I have a one-room cabin there, as well as a great stone fire-pit my boys made me, plus my lodge is only a couple dozen feet away, hidden in the brush and edge of the woods. I love to hang out there with my dogs.

But recently, people call, to ask for my thoughts or assistance on some issues. Some are minor: an area school principal was attempting to prevent a 16-year old girl from attending her prom. The girl has had serious (brutal) health issues, and missed enough of the year that she couldn’t catch up. She’ll be “home-schooled,” with hopes she can eventually enter college. She’s a bright, good young lady.

Her father is employed in the media, and has covered a wide range of issues that I’ve been involved in over the decades. So he called me. I told him to approach the school correctly, going through the “appropriate channels,” and to repeat three sentences I wrote up, having to do with: [a] the state’s focus on inclusion vs. exclusion; that she’s not a “drop-out,” as the principal claimed, but rather a kid with medical “special needs”; and [c] that it was better to resolve this rationally, rather than have it become a news story. (Their superintendent and BOE over-ruled the principal this morning.)

A group of teachers and concerned citizens from yet another district requested my help in recent elections for three seats on their school board. Despite several “recounts,” their three candidates won. Convincingly. And an area District Attorney requested my help on his re-election campaign. (In upstate New York, every not every race involves a Democrat vs. a republican; sadly, some are republican vs. rabid tea party. Less often, it is republican vs. rabid tea party vs. Democratic Left. In a four county area, the candidates that I’ve assisted are 8 to 2 winners in the past five years.)

Now back to the question about Bernie Sanders. I guess what has impressed me the most recently has been listening to conversations that a fairly wide range, in terms of age and income, of people are having. Because it’s not just the same small group of people, going town to town, that are doing the grass roots organizing. I think it is like one of the cycles that Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., spoke and wrote of so often. More people seem to be waking up.

Let me give an example. I think it is an important one. Today, among the groups that is targeted for “blame” in American culture is public school teachers. I include those in K through 12, as well as those teaching in public colleges and universities. While that isn’t a new social dynamic, the intensity of it has increased in recent years. It is both fair and accurate to say that a large segment of the 1% are actively opposed to public education. And they use their lap dogs in political offices, and even in churches, to take cheap shots at public education.

Now, the teachers’ unions are relatively strong. But that isn’t the only way to advocate for quality public education. As I have studied systems for decades, I’ve long been aware of another option. And it’s funny how you can say something for years, and it seems like others don’t really hear you. Then, suddenly, they do. A teacher can’t serve on their school’s BOE, but not every teachers resides within the district that employs them. Hence, it is entirely possible to organize, and get one or more teachers on their community’s school board. That changes the tone of the conversations that BOEs have. (Two of the three new BOE members in the one school are public school teachers.)

Back in the Reagan era, the right-wing republicans became aware of the fact that school boards are the first step in elective office. They exercise -- to various degrees -- community control. So they started running candidates. More recently, in the northeast, energy corporations get employees to run for school boards. In some cases, quite literally, they advocate for “community support” for fracking of gas. I’ve seen this.

“Community control” is power. It’s not the only power, by any means. But it is the building block necessary to create a larger movement to bring about social justice. Well, at least in a constitutional democracy. This doesn’t mean one segment of the community speaks -- or makes every decisions -- for the entire community. But it does require bringing a variety of voices into that conversation, which is an important part of that decision-making process.

When people start to actively participate in the social-political process, they begin to understand that they have more power than they did as a cog in an industry. Their economic power might be slime, indeed, but that isn’t where their power resides. It’s kind of like a teacher serving on the BOE of their home community, but not where they are employed. It’s a group power, the Power of Ideas.

Now, back to this Bernie Sanders character. Quite a few people are talking about him, which suggests there is a very real possibility that most of them might actual listen to him. And I think that is a good thing. If a large segment of the population listens to him with an open mind, I think that they will hear him, and understand. That’s not to say that his current message is any different than it was, decades ago. Principles and ethics are constant. Rather, it is that we are at a time when more people are able to hear him.

Peace,
H2O Man

May 25, 2015

War

My younger son sent me the above link. This is among the most important things that I have ever encountered in my life.

We watched it last week, before going to a community college to watch my youngest daughter graduate. One of her high school classmates -- he and she graduate from high school next month -- just joined the US Marines. A young man from last year’s class, who recently completed “boot camp,” had convinced him it was the best option.

These young men are fellows I watched grow up. I walk the corn fields with one’s father, looking for artifacts. I’ve bought corn from the older one’s family, at their family farm stand, a quarter-mile down the road.

My son has considered joining the military. He said that this video changed his mind.

Today, all four of my children will be here. Some other family and friends, too. We will remember the service of family and friends.

I can’t help but think of a kid who went to school with my sons and nephews. I watched him grow up, and I remember him on various sports teams, much like the two kids from my daughter’s school. He joined the service for entirely patriotic reasons. He died in Iraq. The biggest part of him that was returned for burial was one of his hands. And for what?

Fuck George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, and the rest of those shitheads.

May 22, 2015

Authority

A former associate recently approached me about her working conditions. She is a public school teacher. Although the teachers union per se has organized power, the faculty at her school is inconsistent in advocating for themselves. She described people as “scared,” though there is no rational explanation for their fear.

This is an example of the type of general anxiety that a significant portion of our population feels. It impacts the manner in which individuals and groups behave. In my opinion, it illustrates why the majority of the American public accepts -- or becomes emotionally invested in -- a social-political system that exploits them.

Obviously, the current economic trends are a major factor; people fear being fired. Yet for people to fear that potential, when they know that they are doing a good job, So let’s examine a few “group dynamics” that come into play. We’ll start with “authority,” and how that translates in group behavior. Though I’ve written about this first part before on DU, I think a brief review is of value.

There are three general types of “authority” in human communities. The first is “traditional,” and as the name implies, tends to apply to older cultures. Things are understood to be done in a certain way, because “that is the way that we’ve always done them.” An example of this can be found in how I can identify what general cultural phase a specific projectile point I find dates to, for there was a “cultural compulsion” in which everyone, for perhaps several hundred years, made their spear points and/or arrowheads. There was no authority figure who demanded that they were made thus; rather, it was the way everyone did -- because they worked in helping that group meet their needs.

The second type is “charismatic” authority. This is generally that man or woman who the group recognizes has special insights and talents, and who others chose to follow. In the negative potential, of course, that leader can misuse his/her authority, to impose their beliefs and choices upon others. Charismatic leaders tend to be like meteors: they burn brightly, but for a brief time. For their ideas for social change to take deep root, they must be followed by the third type of authority.

That third type is “bureaucratic authority.” This is the type that deals with large groups of people. The general concept is that most people have similar issues, and this system identifies the easiest way to handle that common problem. If you have ever had the experience of going to the DMV for an uncommon problem, you’ve come face-to-face with the weakness of such a system.

Now, within each of these three types, there have long been easily understood rewards and punishments for various types of behavior. Generally, an individual knew where he/she stood. That does not mean that their status was good or bad, acceptable or unacceptable. But it was defined, with another type of “authority” to back it up.

This other realm of authority has two general sub-groups: “overt authority” and “anonymous authority.” Most of us are familiar with “overt authority,” which includes, among many others, when a parent disciplines their child; when a teacher kicks a student out of class; when a policeman arrests a person; or when a boss fires an employee Obey the rules, or face the consequences. In a relatively healthy society, these rules are enforced fairly. In a sick society, these are enforced in an unfair manner.

Let’s consider some examples. In a healthy society, more young black men would be enrolled in our colleges and universities, than in jail, or one parole or probation. For a healthy culture benefits from the education of not only all groups, but all individuals. An unhealthy culture involves a small group that benefit from the incarceration of a large group.

Or, another example: a healthy culture recognizes every adults human right to be married to the adult individual that they love. For a healthy society promotes the happiness and well-being of all of its members. In an unhealthy culture, a group with power attempts to impose its beliefs and values -- its dogma -- on other groups, to deny them basic human rights.

In a healthy culture, the legitimate purpose of discipline is to instill self-discipline. In unhealthy cultures, those who administer “discipline” tend to be undisciplined individuals, acting out their frustrations, anger, and sense of inferiority. By no coincidence, the American experience in the 20th century per public education provides numerous examples -- good and bad -- of how “discipline” and “respect for authority” took root in our culture. As the twig is bent …..

In the post-WW2 period, two dynamics were changing in the United States: public education was being recognized as more important than it previously had been, and the capitalist economic system began placing more emphasis upon encouraging consumerism. The two were, of course, closely related. Yet, there were some significant tensions between the two.

Progressive advocates for public education recognized the benefits of relaxing overt authority within the schools. There was European influences on concepts of instilling self-discipline in children and youth, much of that based upon insights in the field of psychology. These were sincere attempts to improve students’ experiences and futures.

Industry viewed schools somewhat differently. Since public schools are, in a sense, not-for-profit businesses, this applies to some administrators, but more so to the local corporate leaders and the politicians who serve them. The “elite” male students (many of whom attended private schools) were destined to go on to college, as were a smaller percentage of the females. But the majority of the public school graduates were going to be finding employment in factories, or jobs connected to the local factory or the construction industry. Female graduates might go on to, for example, nursing school, or become public school teachers, but the majority went on to become housewives.

Now, while we know that the greatest growth was in the military-industrial complex, the country grew in other ways, too. This included those things such as “the suburbs,” and cars to drive on the new highways, for the expanding middle class. A high school diploma allowed a father to work in a factory, and support his family in a more comfortable style than before. At the same time, there was a growth in other unhealthy areas, such as depression, substance abuse (primarily legal drugs, such as alcohol), and family violence (including suicide). Although other industrialized nations showed some growth in these areas, the United States was #1.

There are numerous valuable insights on the nature of how the middle class economic experience impacted our society. These include important thoughts on how, when our economy went from industrial to high-tech, the human experience -- in relation to one’s self and others -- has also changed. Still, in order to understand “today,” we need a grasp of “yesterday.” And some of the articles and books that were written back then are essential; my favorites include Durkheim and Fromm.

Durkheim wrote of the phenomenon of “anomie,” in which traditional bonds and institutions give way to the power of the nation-state. He famously spoke of citizens in modern society becoming a “disorganized dust of individuals.” Fromm built upon this, and noted how consumerism had led to a uniformity in the middle class. More, he spoke of how individuals increasingly found it difficult to be either alone, or different than the mass-produced modern middle class citizen.

That discomfort with being alone, and fear of being different, is the essence of unhealthy “anonymous authority.” No person -- boss, cop, teacher, or whoever -- has to enforce a code of conduct upon the individuals that make up a group, for they police themselves.

The dynamics of this type of conformity is distinct from the cultural compulsion that results in almost all projectile points resembling each other in days of old. Those cultures used specific types of projectile points for everyone’s benefit. In our culture, a small sub-group is capitalizing upon that anonymous authority that produces conformance.

Because the true nature of the beast of anonymous authority is not visible to some, or appears “too big to change” to others, society has created various outlets for those energies that should be invested in over-turning the system. People who want to be part of a team for identity are free to become fans of the Yankees, Celtics, or the Cowboys -- or all three. They can even buy shirts, hats, and banners that identify them with that group.

Or, they might identify their life experiences in a group context, be it religion, political party, or similar club. Or, for young adults, there is that opportunity to “be all that you can be” by joining the military. In all of these instances, however, we can see that some corporation or another is profiting financially.

But what is more important to the 1% is that those sports’ fans and religious folks are available to work in the factory -- or school, or office, etc -- most of their time. And to be sure they do their jobs, while feeling uncomfortable for unidentified rational reasons. To get out of work, slam down a six-pack, and to be ready the next day.

The victims of this system become alienated from their own being: they complain about work conditions, but never take meaningful steps to address the real problems. The fill their “off” time with activities that, while intended to be fun, are un-fulfilling. They avoid “alone time,” even if they lie to themselves, and believe they enjoy it -- but just can’t set aside the time. For they are too busy. Busy, busy, busy people.

“It is beneath human dignity,” Gandhi told us, “To be a mere cog in the machine.” Clearly, cog-ism is one human potential. But it is not the only one, nor the most desirable. In order to change the current reality, society needs a group of people to rise above the cog status. To reach a higher ground than that which allows people to know that “climate change” is a reality, and one that poses definite negative consequences -- for Mother Nature practices a type of overt authority that doesn’t consider if one is from a wealthy family, as everyone suffers -- but still be stuck in place, heading down a self-destructive path.

We need a revolution in our thinking, and our behavior.

-- H2O Man

May 18, 2015

New World Disorder

On September 11, 1990, President Geoege H. W. Bush spoke of a “new world order.” At the time, many critics assumed it was a clumpy attempt by a poor public speaker to sound inspirational in describing the promise that the post-Cold War held. In fact, it marked one of the very few times Bush spoke honestly, although he attempted to make the plan sound beneficial to everyone, especially US and Soviet citizens.

A quarter of a century later, it is evident that this new world order has not brought stability, much less security, to the world at large. It has helped a tiny minority to prosper. And it is in this context that we should view the TPP -- for it is nothing, if not an agreement by the wealthy elite, disguised as an international trade deal.

Bush attempted to sound like Woodrow Wilson advocating for the United Nations. But Wilson’s post-WW1 attempt to prevent the international tensions that led to warfare was sincere, and based upon both the rule of law, and respect for every nation’s sovereignty. The TPP is distinct: it is an attempt to over-ride governments, and institute the authority of multi-national corporations.

After WW2, a new reality was created in the United States -- a strong middle class. Although looking back, we can see that this was primarily the territory of white men, it would provide opportunity for others to struggle for social justice. And, for several decades, it allowed US citizens to live in a level of material comfort that had not been experienced by human beings in the past. Indeed, it created a lifestyle that most global inhabitants today do not have.

A solid case can be made for the concept that this lifestyle did not improve the quality of life -- except in material comfort -- for many people. This is evidenced by the rates of mental illness, especially depressive disorders; suicide; violence, including but not exclusively gun-related; and rates of drug dependence, abuse, and addiction. This includes, of course, both illegal and legal substances, even those prescribed by a doctor.

America’s military might allowed it to exploit the resources -- human and material -- from much of the world. Exploitation by corporations, including the military-industrial complex, was greatest in “Third-World” nations. Likewise, the USSR had sections of the world it exploited, and competed with Uncle Sam for access to the Third World.

Times changed. The Soviet Union came apart at the seams. US corporations began to cooperate with foreign businesses in manners that displayed a total lack of anything that could be mistaken for patriotism, excepting only their commercials and ads. The leaders of various nations were primarily fronting for these corporations.

As a rule, American presidents talk about their desire for peace. Yet, it would be difficult to identify when we haven’t been involved in wardare -- though not in the manner identified by the Constitution of the United States, nor against specific nations. But a general policy that involves violence of the type that benefits powerful US corporate interests -- including, of course, those of the military-industrial complex.

Indeed, although the general public was distracted, there was even a shift between the exclusive use of the US military, to hiring “private contractors” -- with tax dollars, and without Congressional oversight. These “private contractors” began as the “security” forces of various corporations, which sometimes morphed into a corporate identity of their own. But hey, corporations ARE people. Just ask the US Supreme Court.

While Americans are busy fighting about “social issues” -- primarily rooted in one group’s attempting to prove their church employs the biggest god on earth -- corporations have focused on purchasing the best politicians that money can buy. That’s not to say that all politicians are corporate lap dogs. But most are. And the few who aren’t willing to “rise above their principles” for the good of the team get run over, one way or another.

Non-US corporate elitists know that their populations require a higher standard of living, in order to insure that they can be more fully exploited. And US corporations are willing partners. Heck, they are eager to pay workers less money, not have to deal with unions, or obey pesky environmental laws. And, as we have witnessed, there is a corresponding decrease in US citizens’ living standards. That “middle class” ain’t what it used to be.

We have options. One is to do nothing, and just accept this new world disorder. Another would be to focus entirely upon which candidate favors our positions on social issues; indeed, they are important. A third option would be to exercise the rights, and live up to the responsibilities, that the Constitution provides for. And that obviously includes actively supporting those politicians who aren’t owned by corporate interests.

Peace,
H2O Man

May 18, 2015

Hatred in the USA

On April 10, the FBI arrested Robert R. Doggert, 63, of Signal Mountain, TN. Initially, the criminal complaint was sealed. However, the complaint was recently unsealed, to show that the former congressional candidate was planning a violent attack upon an Islamic community in the town of Hancock, NY.

Doggert’s plan was to have a para-military force attack the community, with snipers using rifles; with explosives to destroy the school and mosque; and machetes for “hand-to-hand” combat. He reportedly had selected this community, based upon some Fox News reports that it was a “terrorist training camp.”

It has been reported, based upon Doggert’s previous communications, that he had planned a similar attack on another Islamic community in the past. However, during the course of his preparations, he had been disappointed to learn that community was non-violent, and its residents were well-accepted as good neighbors and responsible citizens by the larger community of non-Muslim residents.

Having lived and worked in this area of upstate New York for many years, I am familiar with the Islamic groups in Hancock and near-by Deposit, both in Delaware County. The vast majority are from families in NYC that, in the 1960s and ‘70s, converted to Islam. As happens with human beings of all religions, or no religion, some would seek to move out of the city, to raise their families in “small town America.” If one were to follow one of the main highways out of NYC, heading west, one comes to Hancock and Deposit, and eventually Binghamton.

In the 1980s, groups of people from mosques in NYC, seeking a better quality of life for their families, would pitch in funds, and buy old farms in our region. They sought to raise their own livestock and gardens. They faced a certain amount of mistrust at first, for several reasons: “city folks” do not always mix well; most are black, moving into white towns; and they weren’t “Christians.”

However, at a time when “family farms” were being put out of business by corporate farms, and when many beautiful old farms were being sub-divided into lots that realtors advertised in distant places, the locals came to appreciate having hard-working, law-abiding neighbors. Not everyone, of course, but in time it became clear that the only ones who were opposed to these settlements of Muslims were the racist trash on the margins of civilization.

After 9/11, the fear of Islam began its metastasis, and those who were not familiar with the group in Hancock became convinced that the settlement was a cell that posed danger to our society. The articles linked below, however, clearly identify the diseased individuals who pose the risk of extreme violence in America.

http://www.wbng.com/news/local/Former-congressional-candidate-arrested-charged-for--304050121.html

http://heavy.com/news/2015/05/robert-doggart-tennessee-congressional-candidate-islamberg-new-york-anti-muslim-islam-attack-arrest-court-documents-photos-charges-plea-patriot/

May 15, 2015

Golovkin vs Monroe (5-16)

May 16; HBO

Gennady Golovkin vs. Willie Monroe, Jr.; middleweights.


This will again be an interesting weekend for the boxing community. On Friday night, there are cards featured on both ESPN and Tru-TV. But the most important fight will be on HBO on Saturday night. This middleweight fight is being held in The Forum, in Inglewood, CA.

While Golovkin is defending his “titles,” the actual champion in the division is Miguel Cotto. Still, most people consider Golovkin to be the best middleweight in the world. More, he is viewed as the most exciting fighter at any weight, who is active today. Golovkin, known as “GGG,” is so dominant, in fact, that very few people are giving Monroe a chance to win.

Let’s take a minute to review each fighter, and then consider some possible outcomes. At 33 years of age, GGG is five years older than Monroe. Both men are about 5’ 10” taller. Monroe’s 74” reach is four inches to his advantage. Both are comfortable at middleweight, although Monroe has only recently moved up in weight.

GGG’s record is 32-0, with 29 knockouts. Monroe is 19-1, with six knockouts. As those numbers indicate, it will be a puncher versus a boxer. Yet those numbers do not tell the full story.

Golovkin is exciting, because he is a predator in the ring. I am reminded of a big cat, stalking his prey. HBO’s Max Kellerman has correctly compared Golovkin’s style to that of the great heavyweight champion, Joe Louis. As his record indicates, GGG has extreme punching power. His left hook, when it lands to either the head or body, can be counted on to end any fight in an instant.

Also similar to Louis, GGG has significant boxing talents. He very rarely makes any mistakes in the ring. He punches with great accuracy. When he does miss a punch, he does not get off-balance. The nature of his offensive skills tends to overshadow the fact that he is solid on defense. I watched his September, 2012 fight against Grezgorz Proksa (who was 28-1 at the time); GGG’s style and reflexes allow him to avoid punches surprisingly well.

Willie Monroe, Jr., comes from a respected boxing family. In 1976, his great uncle (Also named Willie Monroe) decisioned Marvin Hagler, considered by many the greatest middleweight champion ever. This was one of only three loses in Hagler’s 67 fight career. In essence, Willie Monroe, Jr., is looking to duplicate this by beating another “unbeatable” middleweight.

Years ago, when Willie was still an amateur, he trained in some of the gyms that my son frequented. We knew then that he had the potential to become a top professional boxer. Later, at the Boxing Hall of Fame, Willie was gracious in spending time talking to my daughters, and posing for photographs, despite efforts to hurry him into the ring to put on a display of skills for the audience. I maintain contact with Willie, and readily admit that I cannot be fully objective in evaluating this fight. (It’s on my birthday, and I’ve told Willie’s wife that there’s only one “present” that I really want: for her husband to win!) While I respect and admire GGG, the Monroe family represent what is good about American life.

Willie has one loss on his record. I knew that he being matched against a tough, lmuch-larger journeyman way too early in his pro career. When I voiced my concern, one of Willie’s sparring partners told me that his then-promoter was “purposely fucking him.” After that loss, Willie had the opportunity to work with Roy Jones, Jr., which provided him with exactly what was needed to get his career on-track. And it’s been on-track ever since.

Last year, Willie won ESPN’s Boxcino Tournament, in impressive fashion. In the second round, he beat the undefeated tournament favorite; in the finals, he scored an upset over another undefeated fighter. Then, in January of this year, Willie won an impressive decision over tough Brian Vera. Willie holds two North American middleweight titles.

Monroe’s being a southpaw will not, in and of itself, hold any surprise for Golovkin; GGG’s amateur and pro experience has pitted him against almost every style imaginable. Nor is there any chance that Gennady will be less than 100% ready on Saturday, for he knows what most of the “experts” who expect an easy GGG victory do not: if there is any middleweight today who can frustrate Golovkin, it is Willie Monroe.

For Monroe has always been one of those few young men who spent untold hours, often alone in the gym, practicing until me mastered “perfect form.” If that sounds simple, believe this: it is not. For it is not only throwing every punch correctly -- it means bringing one’s hands back equally correctly; using one’s shoulder to protect one’s chin while jabbing; mastering the double- and triple-jab; throwing combinations in the correct sequence; making each punch in a combination harder than the last; and moving off to the side after punching, while never setting a pattern.

In 2014, my son and I were watching Willie on ESPN. My son noted that Monroe has grown into his “man strength,” that physical maturation that, for example, allowed Cassius Clay to fight Sonny Liston. And, in the next bout, we saw clear evidence that Monroe had added a new level of power to his delivery of punches. While he doesn’t possess the same type of explosive power as GGG, he can put a lot of hurt on anyone in front of him. And no one is going to simply walk through his punches.

Still, it will be difficult to fight Golovkin. Those few people who believe he has a chance speak of the need to fight like Cassius Clay fought Sonny Liston; or how Evander Holyfield fought Mike Tyson. But, as my son pointed out, Willie needs to look to those who gave Joe Louis his toughest fights, in order to identify a blueprint. Considering that even some extremely talented boxers were rendered unconscious by Louis, it actually limit’s the list to two fighters -- both champions. And they are Billy Conn, the great light heavyweight champion, and Jersey Joe Walcott, who became heavyweight champion after Louis retired.

Conn challenged Joe for the title in the summer of 1941, at the Polo Grounds in New York. At that time, no one believed Conn had any meaningful chance against Louis: not only was Joe close to 30 pounds bigger, but he was on a historic streak of devastating knockouts that has never been equaled. But Billy Conn surprised everyone -- most of all Louis.

Billy used his superior footwork to both avoid Louis’s punches, and kept the champion off-balance. Joe wasn’t used to putting in many rounds, as he was the most efficient puncher in ring history. Yet, because he could not land his jab -- a lethal weapon in itself -- he could not land anything else. Conn steadily built up a lead, winning rounds by landing blistering combinations, and disappearing. After 12 rounds, Conn believed he was assured of winning the decision. But, because Joe’s face was getting puffy, his vision blurred, and Conn’s punches were setting him back on his heels, Conn decided to go for a knockout.

After coming to, and learning that he had been counted out, Billy Conn delivered the classic line: “Ah, being Irish is a curse.”

After the war, Louis would defend the title against an aging veteran, Jersey Joe Walcott. This bout took place at Madison Square Garden. When asked by a reporter if he felt Louis was “getting old,” Walcott replied that he found it frustrating to wait for Louis to get old, considering he was several years older than Joe.

For much of his career, Walcott had fought “part time,” because as a black boxer, he couldn’t secure big fights. Hence, he worked for my grandfather’s construction company. But he had watched the Conn fight closely, and was confident that he could upset Louis. Indeed, he not only was able to avoid any meaningful blows over the 15 rounds, but he actually decked Louis twice (he caught Joe off-balance, and was able to hurt him several times during the bout).

After the fight ended, Joe Louis knew he had lost. He actually left the ring, and went back to his dressing room. However, the promoter’s wishes carried the day, and only one of the three judges gave the fight to Walcott.

Constant movement -- but not “running” -- along with frequent changes in direction; fast, crisp combinations; anticipating, this avoiding the jab; and never setting patterns ….this is what Monroe needs to do. He doesn’t need to try to win every round, just one more than GGG. Tie up if he gets hit hard, and keep his back off the ropes. That’s difficult to do against a predator like Golovkin. For most fighters, it isn’t even a possibility. In fact, I think that other than Floyd Mayweather, that Willie Monroe is the only active boxer who has the ring IQ to give GGG a good fight.

May 12, 2015

Obama vs Hersh

As a general rule, I prefer non-violence to violence. Yet, I cannot honestly say that I felt bad when US forces killed Usama bin Laden. I wasn’t happy about it, either.

I did think that it was important for President Obama. Not just because if the mission had failed, the general public would have elected President Willard Romney. But that was part of it.

That he would not tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth when informing the American people does not offend me. No US President is going to make public all aspects of things that, in one way or another, involve “national security.” Nor, for that matter, are informed US intelligence folks. Despite what I might think about the “risk” that bin Laden posed at the time of his death, I would not expect President Obama to tell 100% accurate information at that time -- any more than I would expect an intelligence officer, active or retired, when speaking to a journalist.

This is especially true in regards to any action that involves relations with one or more other nations. Friends or enemies. More so in a volatile region of the world. That would simply be unrealistic.

The operation to kill Usama bin Laden clearly involved, directly and indirectly, numerous individuals. Both American and foreign people. What most of these knew was limited by the compartmentalization of such operations. Hence, if two dozen of these people were to honestly say what they knew for sure, we would have exactly twenty-four separate stories. There would be areas where their stories overlapped, and areas where they were distinct.

If each of the two dozen people involved were to fabricate, rather than be totally honest, that would result in their stories being far different than the others’. This is the very nature of human communications.

I do not believe that either President Obama or Seymour Hersh, or any of their sources, know everything involved in the planning or execution of the killing of bin Laden. This alone would make it difficult to believe that either was telling the “whole truth.” President Obama could not, even if he really wanted to; Hersh wants to, but can’t -- because he doesn’t know, and can’t know.

I do not believe that the circumstances call for me, or anyone, to identify one as good and honest, and the other a fool or liar.

Peace,
H2O Man

May 11, 2015

Regarding "Hate Speech"

“The problem in the world today is not one of ignorance; it’s of people knowing so darned much that just ain’t so.”
-- Mark Twain

Some of the most interesting OP/threads on DU:GD in recent days have focused on “hate speech” versus Amendment 1. It is a societal conflict that rightly demands our attention. As such, I think it deserves a serious review. Perhaps now that emotions have begun to subside, this will be an opportunity to do so.

Most people are somewhat familiar with the Bill of Rights, and perhaps have their strongest beliefs on what Amendment 1 provides for. Obviously, there can be strong disagreements among good people as to the exact interpretation of any of these rights. An obvious example is found in the heated debates of how Amendment 2 applies today.

Likewise, the issues addressed in Amendment 1 can and should be debated and contested on an on-going basis. For the Constitution only has value if it is perceived and experienced as a “living” document -- to be applied to current social circumstances. While the concept of “original intent” has value, it too is open to interpretation. More, the Constitution can be altered, as evidenced by not only the addition of that Bill of Rights, but all of the amendments that have followed.

I find the right-wing view of “original intent” to be a giggle much of the time. Let’s consider the concept of a “free press.” The Founding Fathers could not have imagined a corporate-owned, commercially-controlled news media such as we are subjected to today. The notion of journalists being an elite group, which excluded those who didn’t have a degree in journalism, is silly. Any reading of the “press” from our nation’s early days shows that the journalists resembled nothing if not today’s “bloggers” on the internet.

Attempts to silence, and indeed to punish journalists were resolved in court. This brings us to perhaps the most important point in the understanding of such issues: What does the Constitution of the United States mean? That meaning is defined by Constitutional Law. And that, for better or for worse, is what the federal courts decide at a given time. Primary among the various federal courts is, of course, the Supreme Court.

Although it has been rare historically, the Supreme Court has altered previous decisions, and in some instances, actually reversed earlier precedent. In most instances, these provided examples of the expansion of rights to populations previously excluded. This has been correctly viewed as solid evidence of the Constitution being a living document. In such instances, Supreme Court decisions -- Constitutional Law -- reflect society’s growth beyond the biases, prejudices, and hatreds that have denied rights to various groups of citizens under the guise of local, state, and federal law.

The potential for the Supreme Court to do “good” is unfortunately matched exactly by its potential to do “bad.” Two obvious recent examples come to mind. The first is, of course, when the Supreme Court selected George W. Bush to be president, after he lost the 2000 election to Al Gore. Their decision was not based upon anything in the state or federal laws, nor in the Constitution. Rather, it was an entirely political decision, influenced in part upon the economic interests of several of the Injustices. And the second example was when the Court ruled that corporations are people, endowed with an unlimited right to “free speech.”

The issues involving “hate speech” are not new. By no coincidence, they tend to be most contested when they involve the overlapping issues of free speech, free press, and the right to assemble in public. Indeed, the tensions associated with controversial “speech” -- especially that which is advertised in advance, and involves a public assembly -- is often viewed as a fuse that has the potential to ignite a powder keg. While events such as Martin Luther King’s public protests were consider “at risk” of sparking violent reactions from his enemies, “hate speech” events pose both this potential, and more importantly, the very real possibility of the “hate speech” advocates engaging in violence.

Now, let’s look at a few cases that, at one time or another, defined Constitutional Law as it applies to “hate speech.” Because a critic of mine recently attacked me for writing about progressive-liberal candidates being betrayed by moderate-conservative Democrats in the past 50 years -- why, she demanded, did I limit my essay to 50 years? -- I have decided to expand the period covered here, to 63 years. Should anyone feel an impulse to react with a hateful post, I nonviolently request they first listen to the Beatles’ song, “When I’m 64,” as I believe the solution to many disagreements common to DU:GD are found in the Cosmic Law expressed upon the Sgt. Pepper’s LP.

In the year 1952, the USSC heard an appeal of Beauharnais v. Illinois; the case centered upon a Chicago man’s leaflet that urged white residents to fight the “invasion” of their “neighborhoods and person” by black citizens. The leaflet implied that organized group violence was necessary to ward off black people. In a 5 to 4 decision, the Court ruled that this constituted “hate speech” that caused an unacceptable risk of violence being perpetrated upon people for simply being black.

Now, you or I may have agreed with that decision, or disagreed with it. Either way, however, it was Constitutional Law. As such, it could only be changed by a future USSC decision; such changes might involve a case with very similar issues at stake, or one that appeared very different on the surface. In this instance, many legal scholars believe that a very different case would begin the changes in Constitutional Law as it applies to “hate speech.”

The 1964 case of New York Times v. Sullivan, according to Anthony Lewis’s outstanding “Freedom for the Thought That We Hate” (MJF Books; 2007; page 159) would reverse the “logical premise” of the Beauharnais ruling. In this instance, the USSC “ended the exclusion of libel from the protection of the First Amendment.”

This was followed by the 1969 case of Brandenburg v. Ohio, in which the Court placed severe restrictions upon the possible criminal charges that could result from “hate speech” that targeted people based upon race, religion, or ethnicity. This would serve as the basis for the 1977 ruling by the US Court of Appeals (7th Circuit) involving the repulsive plans by Nazis to “demonstrate” in Skokie, Illinois.

There are numerous other, related cases that define Constitutional Law as it applies to “hate speech.” Because I am attempting to write an essay that will take the average reader less than 50 years to read, I think that the three I’ve mentioned should suffice to show that the Courts’ rulings on “hate speech” have been fluid over the years. Differing circumstances can result in different definitions of Constitutional Law.

Let’s consider what those differing circumstances may involve. In general, the determing factor is not how offensive the “hate speech” may be. Unlike the art of pornography, “hate speech” is not judged upon any measures of socially redeeming value. Indeed, it is society’s willingness to allow the most toxic of hateful expression, that adds value to our culture -- by allowing good people to utterly reject the ideas expressed, without imposing criminal sanctions upon the idiot expressing them.

The potential for restrictions upon “hate speech” are thus found in a more limited area: is that “hate speech” likely to result in an immediate reaction that causes a violent public disruption? Again, such incidents are most likely to involve press, speech, and public assembly. More, it involves not only the potential for a violent response to the hateful group, but also the likelihood of the hate group’s advocates of engaging in violence.

The dynamics in our current culture, while similar in many ways to times past, present a different picture than before. An example of this is, obviously, that instant communications can potentially play a large role in cases involving the press/internet, speech, and the ability to assemble groups of people. But the most troubling aspect, in my opinion, is the quality of too many individuals who sit on the bench in federal courts.

As Vince Bugliosi has pointed out, the public tends to be suspicious of lawyers and politicians, but trusting of judges. A $20 black robe does not elevate the ethical standards of a judge. And there ae several on the USSC who are opposed to a democratic society, who are motivated by money and power, and who are self-righteous snakes. That court has become as much of a corporate lap dog as the mainstream media.

The amount of hatred being communicated today creates a tense atmosphere. There are definitely some who take a perverse pleasure in seeing reports of violent incidents on the news, and who will invest their energy in trying to provoke further violence. “Hate” is, of course, a purely human concept, and its energy force is not found elsewhere in the natural world. Yet, in our culture, we are witnessing the fact that hatred demands existence, in the sense that hateful individuals perpetuate more hatred.

The line between hateful thoughts and hateful actions, including physical violence, is not always clear. The hateful female who promoted the cartoon contest was both attempting to push the boundary, yet remain protected by law. Those who would use this to justify violence are also a destabilizing force in our society. Neither offer anything positive to society in this sense.

It would be wonderful if the federal court system had “the answer.” But a culture that is infected with such high levels of hatred also tends to promote republicans to the federal bench. That fact concerns me, because I do not believe that Antonin Scalia or his ilk would decide a “free speech” case in a manner that would only impact extreme cases. Rather, the current USSC would be far, far more likely to act in a manner that would seriously restrict our rights to a free press, free speech, and the right to assembly in public to voice our disagreements with elected and appointed government officials.

In conclusion, I believe that the best alternative available to us today is to confront “hate” and “hate speech” in a firm, non-violent manner.

Peace,
H2O Man